The Northern Way

Commentary To the Germanic Laws and Medieval Documents

Chapter VI

(Page 1)

ARBUSTUM VITATUM

Pliny tells in his Natural History the following about the cultivation of the vine: "The experience of ages has sufficiently proved that the wines of the highest quality are only grown upon vines attached to trees, and that even then the choicest wines are produced by the upper part of the tree, the produce of the lower part being more abundant; such being the beneficial result of elevating the vine. It is with a view to this that the tree employed for this purpose are selected. In the first rank of all stands the elm, with the exception of the Atinian variety, which is covered with too many leaves; and next come the black popular, which is valued for a similar reason, being not so densely covered with leaves. Most people, too, by no means hold the ash in disesteem, as also the olive, if it is not overshadowed with branches.......They must not be touched with the knife before the end of three years, and the branches are preserved, on each side in its turn, the pruning being done in alternate years. In the sixth year the vine is united to the tree. In Italy beyond the Padus, in addition to the trees already mentioned, they plant for their vines (arbustat agros) the cornel, the opulus, the linden, the maple, the ash, the yoke-elm, and the quercus; while in Venetia they grow willows for the purpose, on account of the humidity of the soil." (1) Columella is more specific as regards the purpose of planting certain kinds of trees: "The Atinian elm thrives much better, and is much taller, than our Italian elm; and yields a sweeter leaf, and more agreeable to oxen; which if you feed cattle constantly with, and afterwards begin to give them leaves of that other kind, it makes the oxen nauseate their food. Therefore, if it can be done, we will plant all our land with this one kind of the Atinian elm; but, if this cannot be done we will take care, in laying out our rows, to plant an equal number of our own Italian, and of Atinian elms alternately: so we shall always make use of mixt leaves; and the cattle, being allured by this seasoning, as it were, will more eagerly eat up that due quantity of food, which is allotted them. But the poplar tree seems to nourish the vine most of any; next to that the elm; and, after that, the ash tree also. The poplar tree (opulus) is rejected by most people, because it yields a thin leaf, and not proper for cattle. The ash tree which is most acceptable to goats and sheep, and not useless for oxen, is rightly planted in rough, rugged, and mountainous places, where the elm thrives but indifferently. The elm is preferred by most people, because it both suffers the vine without any inconveniency to it, and yields a most agreeable fodder for oxen, and comes up and thrives very well in various kinds of soils. Therefore let him, who has a mind to plant a great number of trees for supporting vines, prepare nurseries of elms and ashes in that manner I have described." (2) "The vines must be set in the farthermost part of the trench, and their firm-wood stretched along the trench, and erected to the tree, and fenced with rails against the injuries of cattle." (3)

Such a plantation was known as arbustum, and, because of its use in trailing vines, it is very frequently mentioned together with vitis. (4) The same method is still pursued in Italy, and up to the twelfth century arbustum vitatum remained a common expression in the documents of southern Italy as a description of a vine-covered grove. (5) That this is not merely a stereotyped phrase, such as is common in the documents of that time, is proved by the very definite description of the duties required from a tenant who took possession of land on the basis of an emphyteutic contract. Not only was he to take care of the existing trees, of whose fruits he was to furnish the owner a certain part, but he was also to plant new groves and take care of them. (6)

About Naples we find since the tenth century the expressions terra arbustata, pecia de arbusto, originally in exactly the same connotation as arbustum vitatum, (7) but in the eleventh century they are used more generally in the sense of "woodland," as opposed to fields, (8) while in the north of Italy we never hear of arbustum, arbustata, but only of buscalia, buschiva, which is there common from the beginning of the tenth century. (9) Boscalea is already mentioned in a document of the year 753, but this document is from an apograph of the eleventh century and certainly spurious. (10) In the documents of the tenth and eleventh centuries buscalia refers to plots that are neither fields, forests, nor wastelands, and since a terra buscoliva is especially mentioned as being wooded, it is certain that buscalia is a generic name for a brush grown tract of land. (11) Another form for it is buscaria, (12) and at the same time busco, bosco makes its appearance in Sardinia and in the north, (13) and the juxtaposition of this with "silva" shows that it again means "brush grown land." But as there is also mention of plowed land lying in the bosco, it apparently was sometimes reclaimed, but the usual reference is to "bosco comuno," the common pasture land.

In pre-Carolingian times not the slightest trace of bosco is to be found anywhere in Italy. It is first recorded in the north in 910 and slowly spreads as far as Naples. In the beginning of the tenth century the word was still new, and in 904-5 we hear for the first time of certain obligations in the arbustum called arbustaria, arbustercia. (14) It is clear that these produced the chronologically later recorded buscaria, buscalia, busco, bosco, but this may be proved even without the presence of these laws. The laws being written in Frankish style, we shall have to look to France for the origin of the words and the development of their meanings.

In a French document of 870 we find a locality Arbustellum (15) and soon after Ad illum Boscum, Alboscum, (16) while in the tenth century and later mention is almost exclusively made of places Bosco, Boscaria, Boschetto, (17) not only in France but also in Spain. (18) Ad illum Boscum is merely an amplification of Alboscum, and this is a corruption of Arbustum, but this cannot be insisted upon, since local names ad illum (locum) are not uncommon. These localities lay in or near the arbustum, and we must now ascertain how -bustum came to be changed to boscum.

Abbo, of the Church of S. Germain of Paris, wrote towards the end of the ninth or in the beginning of the tenth century, a poem "De bellis Parisiacae Urbis," where, referring to the year 886, he speaks of the enormous masses of cattle which were gathered in the aula of S. Germain, which was thus turned into a bostar. The aula here means the yard or enclosure of the church, and what Abbo means to say is that the yard was changed into a cattle enclosure. (19) Bostar stands for bustaria, as a result of a confusion with bos "ox" and stare "to stand" and Greek boustasion, (20) while Papias confused bostar with bustum "a place where cattle are burned," (21) but Matthew of Paris in the thirteenth century employed bostar correctly in the sense of "cattle yard." (22) In Spain we occasionally find in the eighth century arbusta for such an enclosure, (23) but far more frequently we meet there with bustum and bustellum, a forest enclosure on the outskirts of the estate, (24) generally surrounded by a hedge (25) and used as a cattle yard. (26) The herds pasturing in such a corral were of a given size, for the tax for pasturing was figured by the busto. (27) There were, however, also very extensive bustos, with their own appurtenances and lands. (28) We also find the forms bustare, (29) bustaria, (30) and bustarega, (31) and in the latter case it is distinctly mentioned that they were enclosed pastures.

If we now compare the Spanish forms bustum, bustare, bustello, bustariega with the Italian busco, buscaria, buscalia, and with arbusta, arbustaria, arbustericia of the Italian documents of 904-5, the identity of these becomes at once obvious, and it is clear that arbustaria, arbustericia refer to the tax for pasturing which the proprietor of the forest may exact. Fortunately we possess in the Fuero general of Navarra a detailed account of the organisation of such a pasture. Although the Fuero was written down in the thirteenth century, the laws and practices described there refer to Visigothic times. The first title of the sixth book deals with the pasture, which is here called vedado and bustalizia. (32)

A vedado was a horse or cow pasture in what formerly had been meadow land. It was laid out by common consent of the infanzons and peasants, by measuring off the land twelve times in all four directions with the perch "of the royal see." Such a perch was seven cubits and a clenched fist long, and was at the end provided with an iron point weighing two pounds. (33) If the land was really measured with the perch, it produced an enclosure of about an acre; but if echar means "to throw," the enclosure would become many times larger. Such a vedado was closed from beginning of February until the end of December and afterward was open for all cattle. The common ground in the forest between two villages where the pigs and the cattle pastured was called puerto, and the enclosure itself was known as busto or bustalizia, which was produced in the same way as the vedado, only that it was determined by the hammerthrow in the following manner: The measurer sat down in the middle of the space set aside for an enclosure and threw a sharp axe with a handle a cubit long twelve times in each direction. It is not likely that each throw netted more than twenty feet for it was accomplished under the acrobatic feat of holding the right ear with the left hand and casting the axe from between that arm and the breast. (34)

The hammerthrow has been frequently recorded in Germany since the twelfth century, and since Grimm (35) a poetic, religious or legal German custom has been theorised out of it. The identical Navarrese custom goes back to a sensible Roman method of measurement by the decempeda pertica. Twelve perticae of ten (or twelve) feet square formed in Rome the unit of surface, two of which were equal to a iugerum. (36) In the Navarrese custom we have, therefore a survival of the Roman law which was intended for the provinces. Here as there the "decempeda" had to be "cast" twelve times, as in the Roman measurement, and seven cubits were just about ten feet. In Navarre the perch had to be obtained from the sied del Rey "the royal see," but in reality this is a popular transformation of the Roman regio, the local court, where the land questions were settled. (37) Where the ignorant peasants could not help themselves with straight measurements, in the forest or the swamp, there they had recourse to the hammerthrow, and by the employment of the acrobatic feat they managed to obtain a fairly equitable mensuration. Hence the hammerthrow is as much a Roman institution as the Scandinavian solskipt, which has been shown to be the Roman solis divisio. (38)

We have an Aragonese law of the year 1247 which coincides with the law of the busto, but here busto, understood as bostar, has further been corrupted to boalare, (39) that is, bostar "a place for oxen," has produced boale and boalare. In the Limousin this boalare has in the ninth century given rise to baccalaria, (40) as though it were a place for cows. These baccalariae naturally lay far away from the village and were left in charge of the poorer or unmarried peasants, hence we get baccalarius "bachelor," which has spread over Europe from the south of France. That this derivation is the real one is proved by the synonymous German Hagestolz, OHG. hagustalt, AS. hagusteald "bachelor," ONorse haukstalda "famulus, mercenarius, agricola liber," where the first part of the word has distinct reference to "forest," that is, the "bachelor" was he who lived in the forest, where the busto was located. It is not easy to ascertain what the second half of the word is derived from, but it looks as though in German it proceeded from the same Spanish bustalizia which produced a form bustalt, understood as bus-stalt, in which the first part, for buscus, gave way to the popular haga. It is certainly remarkable that there should be in German a similar confusion as there is in the Romance busto, bustal, bostar, boale, boalaria, baccalaria.

Thus it appears that the Roman institution of the arbustum vitatum has survived in Spain only as an enclosure which was not thrown open to all in the summer. Arbustum, here contracted to bustum, has the special meaning of "closed vineyard," because any other pasture was free for all neighbors, according to the Roman custom, while the vineyard could be held against others so long as the grapes were not yet gathered in. This institution of "enclosures" has been of enormous economic consequences in Spain, whence it passed over to the rest of Europe, bringing with it an exceedingly large linguistic family. Unfortunately there are, in this group, a number of contaminations which make it the most prolific and the most difficult of any to treat. I shall confine myself only to the most obvious derivations.

In Basque we have bost-, brost-, brosk- for "bush"---"bosta buisson, brosta haie, broussaille, et aussi fourré, lieu couvert de broussailles de bruyeres, broka détritus, debrit d'objets sans valeur, qu'on passe dehors avec le balais." Here and in the Romance languages we find not only the original bust-, but also brust-, etc. This latter form may have arisen in the same way as frost from vast, or from arbust- by metathesis. We shall now turn to the Latin sources in France. We have already seen that buscus, boscus here takes the place of Span. bustum, and to this must be added buschus, buschetus, boccus, bochetus, which appear only late. There arose very early the necessity of distinguishing the standing, green timber from the firewood and the faggots, since one of the privileges in the forest consisted in the permission to cut a certain number of trees a year for building purposes and to gather dead wood for fuel. Hence such a right is called boscairare, buscare, buscalhare, boscare. (41) The building timber was called boscus viridis or vivus, to distinguish it from the faggots, boscus siccus or mortuus, which also included certain standing trees that were used for fuel, (42) hence we get the specific statement, "boscus vivus ad aedificandum, mortuus ad calefaciendum, comburendum, ardendum." (43) The laws distinctly mention that the dead wood is carefully to be "sought" with wooden hooks, in order to break down the dead branches, hence we get in Spain buscare "to seek." To separate more clearly and briefly the standing timber from the dead wood, boscus was employed only for the first, while the latter became known in the feminie, as bosca, busca, buschia, buca, bucha, buchia, buga, but more commonly bruscale, bruscia, brozia, brossa, brossia, brucia, broca, bruga, brua, broa, bruera, brueria, brugeria, brugaria, and even bronda, branda, bropa, branca, branchia. It is not difficult to explain this great variety of forms.

Endnotes

1. XVII. 35. I quote from Bostock and Riley's translation (London 1855, vol III, p. 512) back


2. De re rustica, v. 6. Quoted from L. Junius Moderatus Columella Of Husbandry, London 1745, p. 226 f. back


3. Ibid., p. 231. back


4. "Arbusta, ubi traduces possent fieri vitium," Varro, De re rustica, I. 8. 3; "cum me arbustum videre.....atque......vitis incidere falce novellas," Vergilius, Eclogae, III. 10; "jam vinctae vites, iam falcem arbusta reponunt," Vergilius, Georgica, II. 416; "De arbustivis vitibus....si arbustum to habere delectat," Palladius, III. 10. More quotations are to be found in the Thesaurus linguae latinae, sub arbustum 2. back


5. "Arbustu vitatu" (801), Codex diplomaticus cavensis, Neapoli 1873, vol. I, p. 5 (803), p. 6; "terra mea qui est arbustu et vitatu" (824), ibid., p. 15; "cum arbustu bitatus" (848), ibid., p. 34; "terra mea qui est arbustu bitatu" (848), ibid., p. 35 (850), p. 40; "ipsa terra cum arbustu vitatu" (853), ibid., p. 45, etc. back


6. "Ut a die presenti incipiamus exinde cappilare ipsos arbores et laborare eos, et ipsum laborem quod exinde fecerimus demus vobis exinde medietatem in predicto loco. ipsa vero alia ligna que non sunt de laborem quodcumque exinde fecerimus medietatem vobis exinde demus. ipsa vero terra incipiamus cultare et pastinare adque implere eos totum de tigillis et insurculare debeamus de ipsa zinzala" (10. cent), Camera, Memorie storico-diplomatiche dell' antica città e ducato di Amalfi, Salerno 1871, vol. I, p. 164 f.: "quomodo vinea, et terrua vacua se meruerit laborare, et cultare, et ipsi arborea vitati qui jam. ibidem plantati sunt, quomodo arbores vitati se meruerint cultare et conciare....Et presente debeant arbustare integra superius dicta indicata prima petia de terra juxta rationem, et arbores ipsae vitare vites arbusti, excepta ipsa praefata Curte. Et amodo usque in decem anni completi nostri Monasterii integra jam dicta de terra prima petia arbustata rationabiliter, et arbores ipsos vitatos, excepto ipsa praefata Curte, cum ipsis arbores in ipsa vinea levaverint licentiam et potestatem habeant incidere. Etiam in antea vinum, quod de ipsum arbustum Deus annualiter dederit, et frugium de subter dividere debeant cum parte suprascripti nostri Monasterii" (973), Muratori, Scriptores, vol. I, p. 457; and similarly pp. 454, 455; "et siat factum et plenum amodo et usque ad completis annis tres et factus siat arbustus seu ipsa....nemus et pergula et ubive terre de dicto pastinemus tigillos et insurculemus eos de ipsa castanea zenzala" (1104), C. Minieri Riccio, Saggio di codice diplomatico formato sulle antiche scritture dell' archivio di stato di Napoli, Napoli 1878, vol. I, p. 16. back


7. "Quale tempore ipse arbustum fuerit totus pastenatus et vitatus," Regii Neapolitani archivi monumenta, Napoli 1849, vol. III, p. 158; "vene et diligenter lavorare et excolere debemus ....et vites in memorata petia de terra arbustata omni annuo ponere et plantare," ibid., p. 157: "laborandi et arbustandi quamque seminandi cacuminas et vites ibidem ponendi et plantare," ibid., p. 32. back


8. "Terra arbustata et campores" (1015), ibid., vol. IV, p. 75; "petia arbustata et campese" (1021), ibid., p. 157. back


9. This in itself should suffice to prove the derivation of the first from the second, but the law-mad philologists do not recognise documentary evidence. They insist that Ital. bosco is to be derived from Gr. boskh, which is not only at variance with documentary facts, but also contradicts the phonetic laws which they maintain. Boskh means "fodder, grazing ground" and never "grove." In a Byzantine papyrus of the year 616 boskh stands for "meadow grass," "mhte mhn dunasqai ton auton iwannhn fagein ek thj boskhj twn autwn arourwn oporimwn ghdiwn all epi tw ta kthnh tou autou monasthriou fagein thn authn boskhn" (F. G. Kenyon, Greek Papyri in the British Museum, London 1898, vol. II, p. 238 f.), and this prohibition is strikingly like the very ancient one from Amorgos "probata de mh boskein eij to temenoj mhden" (Dareste, Haussoulier, Reinach, Recueil des inscriptions juridiques grecques, Paris 1895, p. 205 n.). In the Basilica the caption "De pascuis publicis et privatis" is once rendered by "Peri boskwn kai libadwn, kai leimwnwn" and once by "Peri nomwn htoi boskwn." (C. G. E. Heimbach, Basilicorum libri LX, Lipsiae 1850, vol. V, p. 147), and it is clear from the juxtaposition of boskh and leimwn, libaj, nomh that the reference is to meadows, even as boskn and libadi are identical in Modern Greek. Besides, the Greek word having entered the west only in the ninth century, it should have appeared there as vosca, not as boscus. Hence the derivation of bosco from boskh is a sheer impossiblity. back


10. Cod. Langob., col. 30 n. back


11. "Silvas stalarias et besgeas" (910), ibid., col. 751; "petiola terre cum buscalia super se" (961), ibid., col. 1107; "cum aeris suarum seu terris arabilis et pratis silvis et buscaleis atque gerboras" (1009), Codex diplomaticus Cremonae (HPM., ser. II, vol. XXI), Augustae Turinorum 1895, vol. I, p. 45, and again pp. 48, 49, 59 (boscalea) et passim; "de silvis e stellariis seu castanetis, buscaliis adque gerbosas" (941), Bullettino dell' istituto italiano, N° 21, p. 160; "de silvis e stellariis seu gerbosas, busgalias" (943), ibid., p. 158; "de silvis et stellareis et buscaleis" (1015), Codice diplomatico padovano dal secolo sesto a tutto l'undecimo, Venezia 1877, p. 135, and again pp. 140, 155, 197; "petia una de terra buscoliva cum silva superabente" (1096), ibid., p. 343; "terras arabiles et prata et garbas et buscalivas" (1100), ibid., p. 358; "una pecia de terra cum buscalia super se" (961), F. Odorici, Storie bresciane, vol. v, p. 14; and again pp. 38, 51 et passim; "petiam terrae aratoria, olivatae, et buschivae" (1221), ibid., vol. VII, p. 97; "terris arabilibus cultis et incultis silvis buschilibus" (991), MGH., Dip. reg. et imp. Ger., vol. I, p. 447; "vineis buscalibus pratis" (1016), ibid., p. 497 and again p. 585. back


12. "Silvis insulis buscariis" (969), MGH., Dip. reg. et imp. Ger., vol. I, p. 540; "prata salecta buscaria" (1020), ibid., vol. III, p. 549; "silvis frascariis buscariis" (1038), Muratori, Antiq., vol. I, col. 447. back


13. "Cum terris cultis et discultis, buschis et silvis" (1002), Codex diplomaticus Sardiniae (in HPM., vol. X) vol. I, p. 147; "terris cultis et incultis, agrestis et domesticis, silvis sive boschis" (1009), ibid., p. 148; "in parte aratoria in parte bosco" (1005), Odorici, op. cit., vol. V, p. 21; "bosco comuno" (1005), HPM., Chartae, vol II, col. 92; "pecia una de bosco" (1040), ibid., col. 137. back


14. "Venationes ac arbusta," L. Schiaparelli, I diplomi di Lodovico III e di Rodolfo II, Roma 1910, p. 60; "nec ullas publicas arbustarias aut redibitiones vel illicitas occasiones sive angarias super inponere audeat vel inferre presumat," L. Schiaparelli, I diplomi di Berengario I, Roma 1903, p. 139; "atque districtum seu arbustericiam aut quamcumque redibitionem publicam quoque modo exigere," ibid., p. 176. back


15. Bouquet, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, vol. VIII, p. 628. back


16. "Villam nostram quae vocatur Ad illum Boscum" (893), M. Deloche, Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Beaulieu, Paris 1859, p. 217; "in loco qui dicitur Ad illo Bosco" (891), ibid., p. 210; "Alboscum" (970), A. Bernard, Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Savigny, Paris 1853, p. 184. back


17. "Villa quae vocatur Boscus" (1059), Deloche, op. cit., p. 135; "Bosco" (1061), ibid., p. 152; "mansum de Bosco" (1100), ibid., p. 74; "Boscaria" (960), Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., vol. V, col. 238; "Boscheto" (961), ibid., col. 245. back


18. "Locum de Bosco Tellentis" (963), A. de Yepes, Coronica general de la orden de San Benito, vol. VIII, app. 2a; "aplicat ad Busco de Corteças" (1010), F. Sota, Chronica de principes de Asturias y Cantabria, Madrid 1681, p. 654. back


19. "Haec oculis equidem petii sistens super urbis back
Moenia, nec visu claudebantur neque ritmo:
At quoniam cingi nequeunt pratis, nec ab agris,
Efficitur bostar Germani Antistitis aula,
Completur tauris, suculis, simisque capellis,"
Bouquet, Recueil, vol. VIII, p. 15.


20. "Bostar, créche Gallice, a bos et stare. Bouverie, bostar, estable a buefs. Bostar, stabulum, quasi boves stantes," Ducange, sub bostar. back


21. "Bostar, locus ubi comburebantur corpora boum, vel statio boum." back


22. "In vallibus videlicet Moriani quaedam villae, scilicet quinque, cum suis bostaribus, caulis, et molendinis adjacentibus, obrutae sunt," Chronica majora (in edition of H. R. Luard, vol. V, p. 30). back


23. "Arbusta cum suis hibernales" (862), R. Escalona, Historia del real monasterio de Sahagun, Madrid 1782, p. 631. back


24. "De fonte Sombrana usque ad foz de busto, de foz de busto usque ad pinnam rubeam" (804), España sagrada, vol. XXVI, pp. 442, 445; "cum montibus, fontibus, azoreras, bustis, pratis, aqueductibus, etc." (823), ibid., vol. XXXVII, p. 321; "Eclesiam Sancti Emeterii cum Sernis et Bustis de monte Pelio....et Bustos praenominatos Loarrio, et Longe Braneas, et Arrium, et Translectum; in Riosa Ecclesiam Sanctae Mariae, seu Bustos praenominatos tam de tempore verani, quam de tempore iberni usque Portum" (827), ibid., p. 324 f.; "bustello in illa carrale antiqua" (891), ibid., p. 338; "addicimus etiam Ecclesiae vestrae busta praenominata, in territorio Asturiensi, id est, in monte Aramo bustum quod dicunt foios, etc." (891), ibid., p. 341; "item in portus de Caso adsignamus eglesie uestre bustum quem dicunt Troniscum.....et alium bustum in fonte Fascasia" (905), Indice de los documentos del monasterio de Sahagun, de la orden de San Benito, Madrid 1874, p. 2; "bustum....Tronisco in summa portaria.....id est terminos de parte orientali bustum Mencii" (923), ibid., p. 4; "bustum quem uocitant Pinzon qui iacet circa alium quem dicunt Troniscum" (934), ibid., p. 5; "in loco quod dicunt busto de Picones" (930), ibid., p. 113; "in loco quod dicunt busto de Dulcidio" (956), ibid., p. 137; "in Bustello in Villa noua" (1181), ibid., p. 387. back


25. "Bustello medio de sepe" (906), PMH., Dipl. et chart., p. 9. back


26. "Bustos in monte Lene duos cum bacas tres, bustos in Nalare a Sancto Martino in Lotani quatuor, busto in Monte Nigro cum vaccas" (998), España sagrada, vol. XL, p. 409. back


27. "Et omnes qui quesierint pausar cum suo ganado in terminos de Elbora prendant de illis montadigo de grege das oues IIII or carneiros, de busto de uaccas I uaca" (1166), PMH., Leg. et consuet., vol. I, p. 392, et passim. See Index generalis, sub busto. back


28. "In portu de casso adsignamus Eclesiae vestrae Bustum, quem dicunt Troniscum, cum suis, pascuis vel paludibus, et suis furnis ratione servata" (905), R. Escalona, op. cit., p. 378; "juxta Pireneum quoque bustum vaccalem quod de Regenda nuncupatur; alium bustum quod Caulinos dicitur cum suis propriis terris; alium bustum vaccalem quod Maccabes nuncupatur, cum suis pisceis, furnis, et utilitatibus suis; etiam quartum bustum ovile juxta ipsam" (951), España sagrada, vol. XXXIV, p. 454. back


29. "Serra bustare de hac Torubio" (912), Yepes, Coronica general de la orden de San Benito, vol. I, p. 38. back


30. J. Santa Rosa de Viterbo, Elucidario, Lisboa 1865, sub busto. back


31. "Et si fluvius Sancti Dominici levaverit bustaregas abbatis vel espinare, integret se abbas pro eo, et aliud remaneat pro pasto, et dominium sit abbatis" (1209), M. Férotin, Recueil des chartes de l'abbaye de Silos, Paris 1897, p. 123; "que habia antes soto y bustariegas en que solian pacer" (1253), ibid., p. 203; "que el soto con las otras bustariegas queden enteramente al abad para siempre" (1254), ibid., p. 207. back


32. "Aqui conpieza el libro VI° en quoal fabla de paztos," P. Ilarregui y Lapuerta, Fuero general de Navarra, Pamplona 1869, p. 123 ff. back


33. "Si todos los vezinos quisieron fer vedado de nuevo, vayan a la sed del Rey et retiengan el amor del iuvero del Rey et ganen la piertega con su fierro.....Toda piertega de sied deve ser VII cobdos rasos, el ocheno el puyno cerrada en luengo; et deve aver en el fierro dos libros, en el fust de espesura quanto I ombre puede alcanzar con el dedo somero el pulgar cabo el fierro. Et aqueylla piertega sea daveyllano, drecha et lisa et sin corteza, como nasze en el mont; et aqueilla piertega deven aver por los prados de cavayllos et de los buyes. Este ombre que ha a echar la piertega, nos deve remeter nin mover el un pie del logar onde tiene." ibid., p. 124. back


34. "Toda bustalizia deve ser al menos quoanto I ombre puede echar xii vezes a iiii° partes la segur, devese asentar arecho en el medio de la bustalizia; et esta segur que es a echar deve aver el mango un cobdo raso, et el fierro deve avar de la una part agudo et de la otra part esmochado, et teniendo la oreylla diestra con la mano siniestra, deve passar el brazo diestro entre el pezcuezo et el brazo siniestro, et eche quoanto mas podiere echar esta segur, come dicho es de suso," ibid., p. 128. back


35. Deutsche Rechtsaltertümer, pp. 55 ff., 527 ff. back


36. Blume, Lachmann, und Rudorff, Die Schriften der römischen Feldmesser, Berlin 1852, p. 355, and C. Lachmann, Gromatici veteres, Berolini 1848, p. 367 f.: "Actus quadratus undique finitur pedibus CXX ita cxx : cxx : cxx : cxx. Actus duplicatus iugerum facit....iugerum autem constat longitudine duocentorum xl, latitudine cxx; ita cxx : ccxl : cxx: ccxl." back


37. "Regiones enim dicimus intra quarum fines singularum coloniarum aut municipiorum magistratibus ius dicendi coherdendique est libera potestas," Gromatici veteres, p. 135. back


38. Atti del Reale i stituto veneto, vol. LXII, p. 1039; Vierteljahrschrift für Sociologie und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, vol. II, p. 421 ff. back


39. Fueros y observancias del Reyno de Aragon, Zaragoça 1667, p. 56b. back


40. "Baccalaria indominicata" (866), Deloche, Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Beaulieu, p. 10, and again pp. 73, 202, 210, 270. back


41. "Qui in bosco boscauerint possint pascere in ea prata" (1145), HPM., Lib. jur. reip. gen., Vol. I, col. 108; "piscari uenari et boscare usque in riuum" (1219), ibid., Chartae, vol. I, col. 1255; "teneantur ipsi potestates quod per aliquos vel aliquibus sue potestacie non faciant trahi seu boschari aliquod lignamen ad opus ipsorum potestatum et iudicum vel scribarum" (13. cent.), ibid., Leg. gen., col. 23; "et tenent vasalli ipsius Ogerii communem et pasculare et buscare in ipsa curte Plazano" (1129), C. Vignati, Codice diplomatico laudense, Milano 1879, vol. I, p. 121; "tagliando buscum scilicet frascas et ramas....pascere debent et segare et buscare.... buscare de ramis et foliis omni tempore eis liceat, omnes tamen erba scilicet et ligna ad dorsum, non cum plaustro ferant" (1156), ibid., p. (1151), p. 165 f.; "ne debeant.....paschare buschare nec pischare" (1215), P. Sella, Statuta comunis Bugelle, Biella 1904, vol. II, p. 3; "ut extranea persona non debeat boscare seu pascare super terra communis," A. Valsecchi, Gli statuti di Albenga, Albenga 1885, p. 29; "interrogatus qualiter scit, quod homines Arelatis visi fuerint boscairare in dicto territorio, dixit quod vidit ibi Stephanum Gaillardum, qui faciebat inscidi ligna in deffenseto...dixit quia vidit homines Castillonis lignerare sive boscairare, et laborare et pascere animalia sua, et ejicere avere de Arelate, et boscadeiros" (1265), Ducange. back


42. "Dedi etiam domui et omnibus pertinentiis suis, quantascumque habuerit, in silva mea de Lesga usuarium ad omnia necessaria sua etiam tam viridi quam in sicco" (1083), M. Prou, Recueil des actes de Philippe Ier, Paris 1908, p. 278; "quoniam a predecessoribus suis tres cotidie quadrigatas in suis nemoribus de bosco mortuo ad opus coquine sive pistrini et elemosine ibidem monachi possidebant, hoc ille cupiens majorare, quartam quoque de vivo bosco perpetualiter concessit" (1101), ibid., p. 354. back


43. Ducange, sub boscus mortuus. back

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