The Northern Way

Commentary To the Germanic Laws and Medieval Documents

(Page 2)

In Italy brolium is recorded since the eighth century. (76) Beginning with the tenth century it signifies the ducal or municipal palace with its surrounding garden. In Brescia we hear in the thirteenth century of such a broletto, (77) and, as here, so there existed a Milan a new and an old broletto, and a still older brolio. (78) These Milanese broletti, with their market places and avenues, were carefully described by Flamma, an author of the fourteenth century, (79) who, in doing so, quoted an old poem that, like Luidprand's report, told of onagers kept in the park. (80) As early as the eleventh century palaces and courts of justice were located there, (81) and in the twelfth century they are mentioned at Como, Pavia, Mantua, Vercelli, Venice, (82) while at Novara the park and palace are called bloretum. (83)

These brolii are confined almost exclusively to Lombardy and Venice. In the old Liguria and on the western side, from Lucca to Salerno, one frequently comes across a perilassium, berolais, which has heretofore been wrongly identified with the Roman amphitheater and learnedly derived from a Germanic bero-laz "bear den" (84) or a Greek perieilaj. (85) In the Florentine documents of the eleventh and later centuries reference is frequently made to a perilasium majus and a perilasium minus or picculum, as the name of some locality. (86) Pirolascio, Perilascio occur often at Lucca, from 963 on, (87) and "prope Perilasium" is used at Arezzo as early as 936, (88) while at Reate "ad Perilasium" is recorded in 791. (89) In the south are given the forms Burlasco, Borlasco, Vorlasco, Virlasco, (90) at Salerno one hears in 994 of a Mons Berolasi or Berolasi, (91) and in Capua a quarter of the city, which Herchempert identified with the amptitheater, was in the ninth century called Berelais. (92)

The assumption that perilasium is identical with the amphitheater is invalidated by the existence of two perilasia at Florence, and Davidsohn's identification of perilasium minus with the dramatic theater is not proved by documentary evidence, in fact, Lupi has shown (93) that in some places the perilasium was too far away from the city ever to have served such purposes. There cannot be the slightest doubt that perilasium, berelais are merely corrupted forms of Greek periboloj, which was in common use in Italy and which is even to be found in Aramaic parvîla "the open space about a city which generally served as a pasture." Herchempert was not entirely wrong in his equation of berelais and amphitheater, for the first generally arose there where originally stood a Roman public building. In Langobard times the Roman theaters were in ruins, and the space they occupied was taken by the city for public parks and municipal halls. Thus, for example, the Milan brolium arose where formerly stood the amphitheater and ergasterium, (94) and the brolium in northern Italy was not only the park, but also the public buildings in it. (95)

In Lombardy, Venice, and Ravenna, where the old buildings could easily be destroyed, in order to use the stone for the new palaces, the memory of antiquity was easily obliterated, and brolium remained only as the name for the new garden and buildings; but in the south, where the amphitheaters had occupied steep and inaccessible hillsides, the ruins survived for a longer time, and berelais, perilasium, derived from peribolhj or periboloj, was not only the name for the hill where the amphitheater had been located, as in Capua and Salerno, but was intimately connected with the amphitheater in the memory of the people. The identity of perilasium and brolium becomes an absolute certainty from the use of the word parlascio at Pisa for "city garden where the municipal building stood," (96) in which sense it is also recorded in the other Ligurian cities, (97) while at Ivrea parlacium was a park surrounded with hedges and moats. (98)

In Germany, brogilus originally meant "grove," but it has produced German Brühl "a well watered meadow," the semantic change of which has been correctly stated by Staub and Tobler: (99) "place or suburb where formerly there was a grove or pasture, but which has either been transformed into a meadow or has been thrown open for building purposes." The word occurs in OHG. as broil, bruil and is used early in England, where it is written broel and conceived, not as an Anglo-Saxon, but as a Latin word meaning "deer park." (100) We find it in Raeto-Roman bröl "garden," Prov. bruelh, bruelha, bruoilla, "grove, bush," OFr. broil, broel, broal, bruel "deer park," broillet, bruillet, breullet, etc., "small forest."

If we now turn to the Gaulish gloss "caio breialo bigardio" we conclude, since breîalo is obviously our periboloj, that caio must also designate an enclosed place, especially a grove. This is made certain by kahei, kaei, kei, kahai, kahe, kabei (?) of the Bavarian (101) and gahagio (gahaio, gaaio, gaio, gagio) regis of the Langobard laws. If we now compare Bavarian hahei with Carolingian brogilus, we get the same equation as in caio breialo. The additional gloss bigardio is easily explained. At Bayonne and Bordeaux cayum, caya has survived in the sense of "outhouse, cellar," but the identical OHG. cadum, gadum "domus, aedes, septa," obizgadem "pomarium," Low German gadem, gâm "appendix, booth" show that the original is again "enclosure." These words all express "penthouse attached to a house, enclosure next to the house," hence bigardio is nothing but OHG. bîgard "enclosure next to another." Thus the Gaulish gloss is, with the exception of the last word, nothing but Low Latin, and cannot possibly be of the fifth century. It is not earlier than of the seventh century. Thus it apears that the Byzantine periboloj has given way to Gothic gualdo and Langobard gaio, and we shall now see how this change has taken place.

In OHG. the word wald does not mean only "forest" (102) but also "wilderness," (103) hence wuast-waldi is glossed with "desertum." (104) ONorse völlr, "unworked field," AS. weald, Engl. wold, weald "forest, field" show that the fundamental idea was ex squalido and not "forest," even as gualdo in Italy referred to the royal domain in general, inclusive of cultivated ground. The gualdo nostro or publico of the earliest documents and the gaio regis of the Langobard laws prove conclusively that the basic idea of gualdo, according to its derivation from ex squalido, ws that of dominium "royal domain." In Frankish documents gualdo appears only after Charlemagne's Italian conquest, hence this word became popular in Germany in the sense of "forest" only through Langobard influence, although it must popularly have been present in the sense of "domain" long before. In Spain, where ex squalido has survived in its original form and meaning, gualdo is totally wanting. So, too, in Gothic there does not exist a similar word for "forest," because this idea has developed at a comparatively late time, but waldan has the original meaning "to rule, exercise dominion." This waldan has been derived from Lat. valeo, but Uhlenbeck has pointed out the impossibility of this connection on account of Lith. galéti "to be able," which corresponds to Lat. valeo, while Goth. waldan corresponds to Lith. valdýti. (105) The only objection that could be brought against such a derivation from ex squalido would be the appearance of the names Cariovalda, Catualda in the first century, (106) but this objection would be valid only if one knew what the ending walda in these words meant. Slav. vlad-, which goes back to an older vald-, means "to rule," Lith. valdýti "to rule, wield, direct," OPrussian waldnika "king." In none of these languages can a trace of the meaning "forest" for this group be found, while gaio in all of them has that connotation, which at once shows that the former is by far the older word and must have entered into the Balto-Slavic family of languages before the seventh century. But gaio is wanting in Gothic; the word arose independently from it and at a later date. German walten cannot be separated from Goth. waldan and gualdo "forest," because in OHG. names -walt and -wald interchange indiscriminately. But if Goth. waldan has arisen from ex squalido, then Goth. wilþeis, OHG. wildi "wild" is a derivative from it, with an even closer approximation to the original meaning than in waldan. Precisely the same semantic relationship is to be found in the Celtic, where we have Welsh gwyllt "wilderness, overgrown place, wild, insane," OBret. guelenes "waste island," Corn. gwylls "wild," guelfôs "desert," guel "field," Ir. geilt "terror, wild," while the form vlad, vlat expresses the idea "dominium," Welsh gwlad "country," Corn. gulat "fatherland," Bret. gloat "kingdom," Ir. flaith "prince, dominion," but the change from vald to vlad, which is parallel to the transformation in Slavic, is of the same nature as the one from farst to frast, of which I speak later on.

Bavarian kahei has survived as Gehai and Kai, not only in the sense of "forest," but also of "meadow, fishpond," (107) and OHG. hac "urbs, saeptum," hagjan "to enclose," which occur only late, have developed from gahagio by dropping what appeared to be a prefix, ga-. ONorse hagi "pasture," Dan. have "garden," AS. haga "fence, house, villa" (108) have been borrowed from OHG. In the Romance languages only French haie "hedge" has been derived from the German; Provençal and Italian know only derivatives of gaio. We have seen how gaio has in the Langobard documents successively lengthened into gaaio, gahaio, gahagio, gafagio, finally to produce the briefer forms fagia, faia, and we have been able to observe the gradual disappearance of the royal domain from the eighth to the eleventh century, when the place names Cafaggio, Fagia alone were left to indicate the existence of such public lands. It now remains to be shown how ex squalido may have given gaio, caio.

It may be assumed that the word galo of the documents at Benevento is a miswritten gaio, but as it occurs very frequently this is not probable. That a galo should have existed by the side of gualdo is not to be wondered at, for we have not only the phrase ex squalido but also ex squalore, which would produce a form gualora, galora, for which a singular galo would be a back formation. But this is merely hypothetic and so must be omitted from our consideration. We shall, therefore, have to show that gaio may have proceeded from ex squalido independently from such an assumed transformation, that is, we shall have to show that squalido or qualido may have produced gaio, caio. Now, the Spanish scaliar, scalio show that a form squalio must have existed at an early time. Fortunately we have another Spanish word, cayo "sandy bank," Fr. quais "quay," where its derivation from a word scalio may be proved by documentary evidence.

Lat. scala, Gr. skala has from the beginning of the Christian era been used for "quay," and the Byzantines called the landing dues skaliatikon. In the pacts made between the Venetians and Pisans on the one hand and the Byzantine emperors on the other there is frequent mention of scala (109) and scalaticum, scaliaticum, (110) and the Genoese have also derived their wharf system from Constantinople. (111) In modern Genoese scâ is "quay," which form obviously passed through a previous scaia, from a still older scaria, scarius (112) recorded at least since 1001. (113) This scala passed early into Arabic kallâ' (114) and iskâla, isqâla. We have at Barcelona scharum, (115) at Marseilles scare, (116) which leads to Ital. squero "wharf." In France we get in the twelfth century caium for it, (117) while in England scaliaticum appears as scavagium, as though from the AS. sceawian "to show."

Spain has preserved more clearly the tradition of the Roman law, so, while it possesses direct derivatives from ex squalido, it has neither gualdo nor gaio. In a similar way Spain has been free from the corruption of another technical term which is placed in the Theodosian Code by the side of ex squalido and which has produced a remarkable series of words in the rest of Europe. In 390 Valentinianus published an edict relegating the monks to the "vast" solitudes, vastae solitudines. (118) The sentence "deserta loca et vastae solitudines" which is used in it is based on the classical juxtaposition of "desertum et vastum," but, although the law was partially repealed in 392, this vastum remained as the expression for monastic solitudes. Vastae solitudines occurs with great frequency during the founding of monasteries (119) and similar expressions may be quoted in endless number. (120) Most popular was the expression vastina, (121) hence vasta "uncultivated territory subject to settlement" (122) gives way to wastina, (123) of which the largest, the Wastina of Vendôme, is mentioned as early as 834, (124) while a great number of localities in France are named Gastina, Gastinetum, Gastinesium, Gastineti, Vastina, Vastum. (125)

The words vasta, vastina have entered into OHG. in almost unchanged forms, (126) but there are also many variant forms, wuostî, wôstî, wuostinna, wuastinna, wôstinna, wuostunna, wôstenja, wostinnî, wôstunnja, OSaxon wôsti, wôstunnia, OFrisian wôste, wôstene, wêstene, AS. wêste, wêsten. From OHG. wuostî, wôstunnja, etc., we get OSlavic pusta, pustyni, pustynja "wilderness," to which belongs a large group of words in all the Slavic languages, including the verb pustiti "to let." Lettish posts "devestation," Prussian pausto "wild" show that OHG. wuôsta must have had an intermediate form fôsta, to produce post-, pust- of the Balto-Slavic languages. That such a form actually existed in proved by the Celtic languages. In OIr. fás "desert" shows its direct descent from vasta, but in the other Celtic languages the long a has caused the insertion of an r. In Welsh we have gorest, gores "what lies open, unenclosed, waste," in Breton frost, fraost "deserted, waste, uncultivated." That forst, frost is very old in Celtic is proved by Frankish forestis which is first recorded in the year 556 in a donation of Childebert I, where forestis refers, not to the forest, but to the fisheries (127) and is, like gualdo and gaio, connected with nostra. (128) The forestarii who held sway in the forestis, however different they may have been from the gualdatores, like these had the same charge of the fisheries, the capture of poachers, supervision of borders. (129) Gualdus made its appearance in Germany only after Charlemagne's Italian expedition in 776, and at first in a document written at Vicenza, (130) after which it took the place of vasta and forestis. (131) Like gualdus, so also forestis became finally identical with "forest."

The Germanic languages have no words derived from forestis except OHG. forst, uorst, which in itself shows that it is a borrowed word. From OHG. it has passed into all the Slavic languages, OSlav. hvrast "sarmentum, bush, oak," Bulg. hrast, hrastalek, hraste "bush," fraste "noise," Pol. chrost "noise, bushes, faggots," chwrastac "to rustle," hence Magyar haraszt "oak forest," Rum. hrêst "bush." (132)

On Romance territory France is especially rich in such derivatives. Breton frost, fraost is strongly represented in the north, (133) occurring in the Latinized form frostum in the eleventh century (134) and somewhat later as frussatum in England. (135) Since the fourteenth century we have the French forms fro, frau, fros, froc, frox, frouz, flot, flos, etc. "terre inculte et abandonnée, chemin rompu, large chemin public près d'une ville, place communale plus large que le chemin mais soumise à la même police," (136) and frestiz, fraities "terre en friche, terre qui n'est pas cultivée." (137) Fr. floc has produced Spanish llueco, lleco in the same sense. In northern Italy we in the eighth century meet with frascarium "uncultivated, overgrown land" (138) and later with frascata, fraschetum in the same sense, while frasca, both in Italy and the Provence, is equivalent to "faggots." (139) The change from frast- to frasc- is the same as from frostum to frusca. (140) In France there is a great variety of derivations from this frasc-, frescherium, frescheium, fresceium, freschium, frecum, frichia, frichium, friscum, fresca, (141) which have survived in Fr. friche "uncultivated ground," but the old vastum, guastum, changed to gascum, has produced the more popular gascaria, gascheria, gasquerer, now jachière, jacherer. The dialects have a very large number of words which are derived from frast-, frasc- (142) and Jura frachous "bois cassant pour allumer le feu," Morvan freucher "battre, froisser, rouler," Ital. frascare "to strike," esser per le fratte "être dans la frape," show that Fr. fracas frapper are developments of this group, semasiologically evolved from the idea of beating the bush, and identical with the Slavic group, where hvrast mean both "bush" and "noise."

The connotation "fresh" has been evolved from this group in an interesting manner. The public domain and private forests had since earliest times been used for the pasturage of swine and sheep, the owner of such domain or forest claiming for this right a yearly tithe. The Visigothic laws speak of the swine tithe in the seventh century as a law quoted as Antiqua, (143) and as early as the sixth century this decima porcorum was turned over by the Merovingians to the Church, (144) while in 653 it was distinctly mentioned that this decima porcorum of the Church was collected from the swine pasturing in the forestis. (145) This tithe was levied on the increase of the flock, as is distinctly mentioned in the emphyteutic contracts at Lucca, where the pigs and lambs so delivered were to be one year old. (146) If we compare the obligations of the peasants of Saint Gall with those of the Lucchese documents, we find a very close resemblance, only that instead of "porco annotino" we here get the expression friskinga. (147) The etymologists derive this friskinga from G. frisch, but the latter is entirely wanting in Gothic, occurs but late in OHG. as frisc, in AS. as fersc, is in ONorse fersk, frisk unquestionably borrowed from the German, just like Lith. prëskas, Slavic prês'n "fresh, unleavened." At the same time OHG. friscing, frushinc, frinscing, frinskinga, etc., means "victima, hostia, holocausta," where there is not the slightest reference to "fresh." Friscing is the "fresh," one year old pig, offered as a tithe to the owner of the forest and later, when the tithe was turned over to the church, as "offering to the church." Its name was derived from frisca, frusca, etc., "wasteland," (which, as we have seen, took the place of forestis,) because, according to the law of 653, the decima porcorum was collected from the pigs pasturing in the forestis. But friscing, a German derivative from friscum "wasteland" is identical with annotino of the Lucchese documents, that is, it was at the same time considered to mean, "one year old, fresh pig." Thus frisco, fresco, frasco (Fr. frais) came to mean "fresh," not only in the Romance languages, but also in German.


76. "Cum vineis brolijs" (724), Troya, op. cit., vol. III, p. 376; "vineis brollis pascuis" (768), ibid., vol. V, p. 376; "sala cum ipso broilo ibidem adherente" (896), Muratori, Antiquitates, vol. I, col. 154; "casa nova, cum curte et area in qua stat, cum brolio uno tenente, cum muro circumdata, seu arboribus et petras infra stante" (913), HPM., vol. XIII, col. 782; "sedimen unum cum broilo uno tenente" (941), ibid., col. 951. Back

77. "Ut quinque porte pallacii seu broletti claudantur et aperiantur omni die et de die stent aperte ita quod non possint claudi occasione consilii" (1245), F. Odorici, Storie bresciane, vol. VII, p. 109; "tenear non posse facere fieri aliquam iustitiam corporalem seu vindictam in broletto novo et veteri" (1285), ibid., p. 129. Back

78. "Tunc temporis prope murum civitatis consitum fuit pomerium quod dicitur brolium, ex omni genere arborum et fructuum in tanta densitate, quod nemoris densitatem incurreret, ubi nullae personae nec habitare nec arare licitum fuit, in medio fuit fons vivus.....In processu temporis parvum pomerium constructum fuit, qui diminutione per respectum ad brolium magnum dictum est broletum" (14. cent.), Miscellanea di storia italiana, vol. VII, p. 452. Back

79. Miscellanea di storia italiana, vol. VII, p. 452 ff. Back

80. "Brolettis binis vetus novatur ab imis, Excedit meniis faustis in coclea fanis, Distinctis horis onager miratur in illis." Back

81. "Cum in Dei nomine Civitate Mediolanium a Brolito Domui Sancti judicio residerent Dominus Ugo Marchio, et Comes Comitatu istius Mediolanensis, sinulorum hominum justiciam faciendam ac deliberandam" (1021), G. Giulini, Memorie .....di Milano, Milano 1854, vol. II, p. 112 f. Back

82. Statuti del comune di Vicenza 1264, Venezia 1886; G. Robolini Notizie tenenti alla storia della sua patria, Pavia 1826, vol. II, p. 238 ff. Back

83. A. Ceruti, Statuta communitatis Novariae anno 1277 lata, Novariae 1879, p. 8. Back

84. Friedländer, Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschicte Roms, Leipzig 1910, vol. II, p. 561 ff.; R. Davidsohn, Forschungen zur älteren Geschichte von Florenz, Berlin 1896, p. 15 ff. Back

85. C. Lupi, Sull' origine e significato della voce Parlascio, in Archivio storico italiano, Ser. 4, vol. VI, p. 492 ff. Back

86. "Excepta quadam parte terrae, in qua hortus esse videtur, et est posita prope Perilasium maius, et iuxta hortum nostri Monasterii" (1070), Lami, Lezioni di antichità toscane, p. 81; "prope Perilasio picculo" (1071), ibid., p. 96; "terrae peziam unam, totam ad unam tenens, quae posita est in loco, qui nominatur Perilasium, et iuxta ipsum Perilasium, quae terra decernimus, de una parte decurrit ei via, et finis praedictum Perilasium" (1085), ibid., p. 81; "prope perlasio" (1018), Davidsohn, l. c.; "prope perilasium majorem" (1031) ibid., "prope perilasium quod dicitur picculo iuxta civitate Florentia" (1069), ibid. A large number of quotations for the forms pratolasei, pratolascio, perlascium, pierlascium, pierlasium, perlasium, perlagium, piarlagio, parlagio, parlascio may be found in Lupi, l. c. Back

87. Lupi, l. c. Back

88. U. Pasqui, Documenti per la storia della citta di Arezzo, Firenze 1899, pp. 85, 95. Back

89. Regesto di Farfa, vol. II, p. 125. Back

90. Lupi, l. c. Back

91. Codex dipl. cavensis, vol. III, p. 15. Back

92. "Veniens Berelais, hoc est Amphitheatrum," Muratori, Scriptores, vol. II, p. 247. Back

93. Op. cit., p. 499 f. Back

94. "Erat autem istud hedifitium (amphitheatrum) fundatum ubi nunc est brolium. Ergasterium fuit hedifitium altissimis muris circumseptum diversis cameris et stabulis distinctum, in quibus erant tauri indomiti, leene, ursi et tygrides .... In isto loco nunc est ecclexia sancti Nazarii in brolio." Misc. di storia Ital., vol. VII, p. 468. Back

95. "Broletum est edifitium quadrum alto muro circumdatum," ibid., p. 452; "in alia parte civitatis est alia curia comunis, que dicitur broletum vetus," ibid., p. 453. Back

96. "Corse scapigliata e como forsennata al Parlascio, dove abitavano i consoli e gli altri che reggevano la repubblica" (for the year 1005), R. Roncioni, Delle istorie pisane libri XVI, Firenze 1844, p. 61. Back

97. Rezasco, Dizionario del linguaggio italiano storico ed amministrativo, sub parlagio. From a confusion of this parlagio with parlare "to speak" has arisen the vulgar Latin parlamentum, originally "city council," then "parliament." Back

98. "Cum toto parlacio inter et foris et omnibus fossatis et pendinis in circuitu ipsius parlacii; coheret a monte uia que currit ante iam dictam ecclesiam et ipsum parlacium; a meridie carectum qui est in plano subter costadum iamdicti parlacii" (1075), HPM., Chartae, vol. I, col. 649. Back

99. Schweizerisches Idiotikon, Frauenfeld 1905, vol. V, sub brüel. Back

100. "Broel edisc deortuun," Th. Wright, Anglo-Saxon and Old English Vocabularies, col. 9; "broel hortus cervorum, deortuun, uel edisc," ibid., cols. 196, 275; "broelarius ediscweard," ibid., cols. 275, 359. Back

101. "Si vero de minutis silvis, de luco vel quacumque kaheio (kaeio, keio, kahaio, kaheo, kabeio) vegitam reciderit," XXII. 6. Back

102. Steinmeyer and Sievers, Althochdeutsche Glossen, vol. I, p. 298, vol. III, p. 91. Back

103. "In eremi vastitate in des uualdes uuasti," ibid., vol. I, p. 469, and Graff, Althochdeutscher Sprachschatz, sub wald. Back

104. Graff, l. c. Back

105. Kurzgefasstes Etymologisches Wörterbuch, Amsterdam 1900, p. 166. Back

106. E. Forstemann Altdeutsches Namenbuch, Bonn 1900, col. 1496. Back

107. Schmeller, Bayerisches Wörterbuch, vol. 1, col. 1022. Back

108. "Se haga binnan port the aegelric himsylfan getimbrod haefde" (1044), J. Earle, A Handbook to the Land-Charters, and other Saxonic Documents, Oxford 1888, p. 244, and similarly pp. 194, 239, 289, 294; "dabo unam villam, quod nos Saxonice an haga dicimus" (855), ibid., p. 336, and similarly pp. 374, 447; "nouem praefatae ciuitatis habitataculis, quae patria lingua Hagan appellari solent" (996), ibid., p. 403. Back

109. "Ad hoc donat eis et maritimas III scalas" (1082), Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden zur ältern Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, vol. I, p. 52, and again pp. 110, 191, 208, and G. Müller, Documenti sulle relazioni delle città toscane coll' oriente fino all' anno MDXXXI, Firenze 1879, p. 57. Back

110. "Naves omnes venientes de Pisa permanent in scala Pisanorum sine scalatico usque ad duos menses, si vero plus morari voluerint dent scalaticum ad voluntatem scalarii" (1162), G. Müller, op. cit., p. 10; "pro commercio, uel passagio, uel samariatico, uel scaliatico" (1199), Tafel and Thomas, op. cit., p. 272, also p. 257. Back

111. HPM., Leg. iur. reip. genuen., vol. I, col. 499 f. Back

112. "Redditum de ripa et de scariis comunis ianue" (1149), ibid., col. 141 ff; "novi scarii" (1163), ibid., col. 215 f.; C. Desimoni, Statuto dei padri del Comune della Repubblica Genovese, Genova 1885, p. 321; A. Jal, Glossaire nautique, Paris 1848, sub scarium. Back

113. "Tota ipsa plagia de regiminis Minoris, quantum continet de cantu in cantum ubi scaria fuerunt," E. Pansa, storia dell' antica repubblica d'Amalfi, Napoli 1724, p. 45; "si nave o legno ....sia varata o levata da scario," Tab. Amalf., in N. Alianelli, Delle antiche consuetudini e leggi maritime delle provincie napolitane, Napoli 1871, p. 132. Back

114. "Kallà' a station of ships, near the bank of a river; the bank of a river," Lane. Back

115. A. de Capmany y de Montpalau, Memorias historicas sobre la marina comercio y artes de la antiqua ciudad de Barcelona, Madrid 1779, vol. II, p. 25. Back

116. L. Méry et F. Guidon, Histoire analytique, et chronologique des actes et des déliberations du corps et du conseil de la municipalité de Marseille depuis le Xme siècle jusqu' à nos jours, Marseille 1842, vol. II, p. 325. Back

117. "Consuetudines caiagii" (1145), A. Thierry, Recueil des monuments inédits de l'histoire du tiers état, Premiere série, vol. I, p. 57; "redditum, quem in portu fluminis Somene de navibus obtinebat, vulgo appellatum caiagium" (1149), ibid., p. 58; "porro Johannes de Cruce in predicto portu terram contiguam flumini habebat, quam postmodum, ecclesia jam per elemosinam possidente, ad naves recipiendas idem Johannts preparabat, et ibi caium facere redditus ipsorum caiorum, sive multi sive pauci sint, sive quocunque modo diminuti, communes in alterutrum concesserunt ......custos redditum tam caiagii quam granariorum communiter eligetur" (1151), ibid., p. 60. Back

118. "Quicucque sub professione Monachi repperiuntur, deserta loca et vastas solitudines sequi, adque habitare iubeantur," XVI. 3. 1. Back

119. "Est praeterea locus silvaticus in heremo vastissimae solitudinis in medio nationum praedicationis nostrae, in quo monasterium construentes, monachos constituimus sub regula sancti patris Benedicti viventes" (751), S. Bonifati epistola, in MGH., Epistolae, vol. III, p. 368; "apparuit eidem Saviniano angelus Domini, qui demonstravit locum vaste solitudinis coherentem fluvio Sivolis, ubi deberet proficere amore matris, sororis et caste coniugis caste Menelei, sicut consilium dederat, domum orationis," Vita Menelei, in MGH., Scrip. rer. merov., vol. V, p. 142. Back

120. "Quod cenubium aliquo infra regna nostra vasto in loco que dicitur Haireulfisfelt super fluvium Fulda monasterium aedificasset" (775), MGH., Dip. Karol., vol. I, p. 129; "huius tempore per Galliarum provincias agmina monachorum et sacrarum puellarum examina non solum per agros, villas vocosque atque castella, verum etiam per heremi vastitatem ex regula dumtaxat beatorum patrum Benedicti et Columbani pullulare coeperunt" (9. cent.?), ibid., Scrip. rer. merov., vol. V, p. 54; "observabam quodam per vaste Vinciacensis silve lucos" (11. cent.?), ibid., p. 151; "arrepto itinere, cum iam per vastam heremum Vosacum nomine iter caperet" (before 11. cent.), ibid., p. 237; "quod ibidem gaudii fuerit, quod tale miraculum per famulum suum Preiectum in heremi vastitatem subito aeger recepisset salutem," ibid., p. 238; "cum sanctus Filibertus semper desideraret heremi vastitatem" (9. cent.), ibid. Back

121. " castrum ipsum de Monteplano cum toto monte et ecclesia ibi dicata S. Laurentio cum omni jure, mancipiis, vastinis, molendinis, censu, silvis, aquagiis altis et bassis" (863), Ducange, sub vastum. Back

122. "Vasta Ardinna" (770), MGH., Dip. Karol., vol. I, p. 71; "vasta Bochonia" (775), ibid., pp. 148, 149, 190, 191, 196. Back

123. "Extirpare fecit de foresta, quae dicitur Wastina" (1007-1050), Ch. Métais, Cartulaire de l'abbaye cardinale de la Trinité de Vendôme, Paris 1893, vol. I, p. 3; "cum veniret ad forestam de Wastino, videns eam pluribus in locis extirpatam" (1032), ibid., p. 16, and often; "dimidium habeamus pasnatici is silva Guastinensi" (1050), Trémault, Cartulaire de Marmoutier, Paris, Vendôme 1893, p. 128, and again pp. 193, 335. Back

124. "Wastina in Windoninse pago," Gesta Aldrici, Ch. Métais, op. cit., p. 16. Back

125. Chevin, Dictionnaire Latin-Francais des noms propres des lieux, Paris 1897. Back

126. Steinmeyer and Sievers, op. cit.: "Uastantes uastanti," vol. I, p. 294; "uasta solitudine uuastemu einotte," p. 295; "uastabat uuosta," p. 356; "deuastantes uuostinti," p. 383; "uastitas uuasti," p. 468; "in eremi uastitate in des uualdes uuasti," p. 469; "uastans uuostandi," vol. II, p. 21; "vasta uuostin," p. 59. Back

127. "Has omnes piscationes, quae sunt et fieri possunt in utraque parte fluminis sicut nos tenemus et nostra forestis est, tradimus ad ipsum locum," MGH., Diplomatum, tom. I, p. 7. Back

128. The quotations for forestis in Merovingian and Carolingian documents are given in full in H. Thimme's Forestis (Archiv für Urkundenforschung, vol. II, pp. 101-154), to which I refer the reader. Back

129. Thimme, l. c., p. 120 ff. Back

130. "Predictus Hildebran dus duxgualdum ad prefatum monasterium tradidisset," MGH., Dip. Karol., vol. I, p. 157. Back

131. "In ualdo Bochonia" (779), ibid., p. 169; "infra ualto qui vocatur Vircunnia" (786), ibid., p. 206; "infra waldo nostro" (791), ibid., p. 227. Back

132. F. Miklosich, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der slavischen Sprachen, Wien 1886. Back

133. "Les maisons frostés et desherbregées," Archives de Bretagne, vol. VI, p. 171. Similar combinations: "froustes et inhabitées," ibid., vol. V, p. 132; "frost et inhabité," ibid., pp. 214, 37, 40, 116; "sallines, fossez, vasseres, frostz, baulles," ibid., pp. 41, 54. I quote these from E. Ernault, Glossaire moyen-breton, Paris 1895. See also Godefroy, sub frost. Back

134. "Aimericus Saporellus dedit absque censu, in alodo, vineale quod fuit Gosleni prefecti, et ipse Aimericus quiete possidebat quia a prioribus possessoribus in frostum deciderat," Archives historiques du Poitou, vol. II, p. 36. Back

135. "Quod venit de frussato praedicti Rogeri" (1196), Jones and Macray, Charters and Documents illustrating the History....of Salisbury, London 1891, p. 58. Back

136. Godefroy, sub fro. Back

137. Ibid., sub fraitis. Back

138. "Cum pratis vineis silvis frascareis molendinis" (710), Cod. Langob., col. 7; "Expensum predeis rusticis, idest frascario in casale Caualionano" (735), Bullettino dell' istituto storico italiano, vol. XXX, p. 53. Back

139. "Ligna exinde excidere, aut animalia ibidem pascere, vel frascas aut perticas aut circla exinde tollere" (944), B. Capasso, Monumenta ad Neapolitani Ducatus historiam pertinentia, vol. II, p. 7; "aliquam personam incidentem arborem vel frascas" (1170), HPM., Leg. Gen., p. 22; "sive sit accusatio de guastis vel incisione arborum et frascarum," ibid., p. 25. Back

140. Ducange, sub fraustum. Back

141. Ducange. Back

142. "Frâte branchages d'un arbre, usité dans les exploitations forestières du pays, Bourg. frat fragile, Poitou frette petite branche, fréter clore avec des branches entrelacées, Jura frachous bois cassant pour allumer le feu, Suisserom. fratzi, fratschi, frachi rompre, briser, couper, Ital. fratta broussaille, haie, buisson, esser per le fratte être dans la frape; frâteiller faire du bruit en marchant ou en remuant dans les feuilles sèches, freuche friche, terre inculte, Norm. frau place publique, emplacement libre, vide, Champ. friez friche, Guernesey frie gazon, friquet préau, fro lieu inculte; freucher battre, froisser, fouler, Pic. frusser presser, Berry froucher battre, froisser, à Metz freuchie se dit d'un léger piétinement d'un bruit continu et sourd; frocher froisser, Wallon frohî frayer en brisant, action de frayer, Wallon de Mons froncher, Luxembourg frouchir," E. de Chambure, Glossaire du Morvan, Paris, Autun 1878. Back

143. "Qui porcos in silva sua tempore glandis invenerit, primum custodi aliquid velut pigneris tollat indicium et domino pastoris vel parentibus mandet, ut, si convenerit, usque ad tempus decimarum porcos in silva sua permittat .....ut porcos suos in silvam eius, si voluerit, introducat et decimum juxta consuetudinem solvat," VIII. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4. Back

144. "Agraria, pascuaria, vel decimas porcorum Ecclesiae pro fidis nostrae devotione concedimus, ita ut actor et decimator in rebus Ecclesiae nullus accedat" (554), Bouquet, Recueil de s historiens des Gaules et de France, vol. IV, p. 116. Back

145. "Ut de omnes fructus terre infra pago Sprirense quantumcumque fiscus noster continet, tam de annona quam de vino, mel, sive jumenta, de porcos, quam de omni reliquia solucione ad nos aspiciencia sic et homines fisci faciant decimas procorum qui in forestis insaginantur," Pardessus, Diplomata, vol. II, p. 424. Back

146. "Uno porco et uno animale annotino et angaria ad curtem vestram ......facere debeamus" (777), Mem. e doc.....di Lucca, vol. IV, p. 18; "gregis equorum, armentorum, ovium seu porcorum, omnia qui nati fuerent a callendas Januaria, inditione quarta in ipso sancto loco idem decimas dare debeas" (721), ibid., p. 68; "cum jam dictas decimas in ipso supra scripto loco permaneant, et perennis temporibus mihi offerantur a nobis, vel heredibus atque actoribus nostris" (729), ibid., p. 71; "ad misso vestro, seu ad actorem vestrum de curte vestra in ipso loco, tempore consueto, reddere debemus grano modio quattuor, vino puro decimatas sex, porco annotino, angaria quanta utilitas ad ipsa curte vestra facienda" (770), ibid., p. 118; "et porco uno per omnes Nativitates Domini" (798), ibid., p. 176; "uno animale annutino in mense magio, porco uno annutino in ipse animal nos et porco usque in Rosellas minare debeam" (762), ibid., vol. V, p. 48; "in omnem mense magio uno annotino" (776), ibid., p. 147. Back

147. "In anno reddamus carram de vino et friskingam" (720), H. Wartmann, Urkundenbuch der Abtei Sanct Gallen, vol. I, p. 3; "et pro istas res proservire volo annis singulis, hoc est XXX seglas cervisa, XL panis, frischenga tremesse valiente et XXX mannas et arare duos juchos in anno et recollegere et intus ducere et angaria, ubi obus est" (754), ibid., p. 22; "et annis singulis persolvam censum inde, id est cervisa siclas XXX, panes XL, friskinga trimissa valente" (759), ibid., p. 28, and often. Back

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