The Northern Way

Commentary To the Germanic Laws and Medieval Documents

Chapter V

(Page 1)


Soon after the Spanish expedition of 778 Spaniards and other fugitives from the Arabic West began to settle in Septimania and southern Aquitaine. At the end of the eighth century Charlemagne presented a certain Johannes with the Villa Fontes in the Mark of Narbonne and with other lands, which Johannes was to hold by right of aprision, working them with the aid of his own men. (1) In 812 all lands held by the immigrants by the right of aprision for 30 years were turned over to them free from taxes. (2) In a decree of January 815 Louis the Pious confirmed the privileges of the Spanish settlers in the waste lands, and a year later he expanded the law in such a way as to grant the same immunities to the commoners. (3) Charles the Bald in 844 expanded the grant so as to include the Spanish Mark, Septimania and Aquitaine, and mentioned specifically that the Spaniards could preserve their local customs in the territory of aprision. (4)

In all these decrees the Carolingians refer distinctly to the aprision as a Spanish custom, which is correct, for it may be shown by documentary evidence that the Frankish kings in the eighth century had in mind the Visigothic method of colonisation which, in its turn, was based on the Roman procedure. Alfonso I of Asturias ascended the throne in 739 and was the only Gothic ruler who maintained himself against the victorious Arabs. After these had devastated Galicia, he strove to repeople the devastated region, as we learn from the wills and donations of Bishop Odoarius and his men. In 745 Odoarius returned with his followers from Africa, immediately setting out to found abbeys and resettle the country about Lugo. Several of his people (famuli, servitores, familia), guided by Aloitus, petitioned Odoarius to turn over to them, for services which they promised, some of the villas which he had seized (quas ipse prendiderat). Of this property, held by presura, Aloitus gave one fifth to the Church. (5) Two years later Odoarius wrote his will, making over to the Church all his possessions which he had aquired by presura and had worked with his familia. (6) In a donation of 757 Auzanus tells of his return with his sons from Africa, in order to take up land on the basis of the Alfonsinian presura, whereby we learn that the latter was of three kinds, de escalido, de ruda silva and de suco mortuorum. (7) A still better account of the whole colonisation scheme is found in a donation of Odoarius, of the year 760. He tells how Alfonso's representative, Pelagius, had invited him to come to Lugo, where he seized government land (praesimus loca Palatii) and planted vineyards and gardens. He allowed his men to become proprietors (possessores) and gave them work-oxen and other cattle. He settled them on the banks of the Miño, where he had found villages in ruin de succo mortuorum and de ruda silva, and seized the land as his presura. (8)

The German bîfanc is obviously identical with this presura, even as the Latin terms comprehensio, porprisum, captura frequently occur in German documents, (9) and porprisum is older than bîfanc, for it occurs in the sense of "seizure of property" in the Germanic laws. (10) However, it is obvious from the attitude of the Frankish kings to the Spanish presura that the center of Europe at that time possessed no such extensive territory for colonisation as existed in the region newly settled by the Spaniards. We shall now investigate the procedure of the aprision.

The "seizure" of land took place in a solemn manner, in presence of the royal banner and accompanied by flourishes of the trumpet, (11) and the land thus seized had to be worked by the prospective proprietor or his men (12) for thirty years. The proof had to be given that land had been reclaimed from the wilderness; (13) thus, in a lawsuit at Gerona in 844, the witnesses swore that they "had seen and heard and been present" when Emperor Charles had given fiscal land to the abbot and when the abbot, after the death of certain Saracens, had "seized" the land. (14)

Gothofredus has long ago pointed out that this aprision was nothing but the occupation of the agri occupatorii, as legalized in 423 by Honorius and Theodosius. According to this law the veterans were to possess the buildings and fenced-in lots on state land if they were not claimed by previous owners. (15) Such public land was called ager occupatorius, because it was occupied after the expulsion of the enemy, as Siculus Flaccus thinks, (16) but his own use of iccupare shows that it was a technical term for the seizure of land for cultivation. (17) Long before the law of 423 veterans could seize vacant lands, (18) and in a decree of 364 the veterans were permitted to take their servants along with them, (19) from which it may be concluded that the land worked by the servants was "seized" for the proprietor, exactly as in Visigothic law. A few years later loca absentium squalida, i.e., deserted lands that had reverted to the state, were thrown open to colonisation. (20) Loca squalida is not by any means a mere poetic expression, but a technical term, for loca sqalidiora are oposed to cultivated land, (21) and even Isidor derived squalidus from "excolitus," because the field was not "cultivated." (22) A law of 421 added the estates (under the name of caduca mortuorum bona) which were left without heirs or had been confiscated from criminals to those which might be seized for occupancy. (23)

If we compare the laws of the Theodosian Code with those of Alfonso, we at once perceive that the latter contain slavish, but peculiarly corrupted, imitations of the Roman formulae. Caduca mortuorum has changed to de succo mortuorum, the well known technical term rudis ager (24) appears here as ruda silva, while loca squalida has been transformed into terra de escalido. Thus the hereditates de escalido are lands reclaimed from the wilderness, and the legal seizure of these is called presa, presura, proprisum, bîfanc, etc.; hence, for example, presa may as well refer to a mill-pond, in so far as it has been formed on land that has been "seized." (25) When, therefore, Charles the Bald wrote "quicquid de heremi squalore excolere potuerint" and "ex deserti squalore habitabiles fecerunt," (26) he was conscious of using a technical term, even as ex squalido had long before led to a verb exsqualidare, scalidare "to clear the wilderness for cultivation," which lives in the Spanish escaliar, Navarrese escachar, French deschaller. (27)

If we now turn to Italy, we find here the royal domain expressed by gualdo or galo. Italy had long lacked extensive public lands fit for colonisation, (28) hence the state could come into possession of territory only through its abandonment by owners, that is, of territory ex squalido. Indeed, in the documents of the Benedictine Order at Benevento, (29) which go back to the sixth century, we frequently hear of the domain in which abbeys are founded under the name of gualdo and galo. (30) Since there is mention of a forest which lies in the galo, (31) the two are not identical and galo does not mean "forest", but only includes the word. We similarly hear of fishing in the gualdo, and in this case Troya has pointed out that at the time mentioned there could have been no forest in the region indicated. (32) The gualdo is generally referred to as "noster" or "dominicus," i.e., it is considered as belonging to the prince of the realm. We get a complete picture of the constitution of the gualdo by limiting ourselves to its mention in the Regesto di Farfa previous to the middle of the ninth century.

Lupo, the Duke of Spoleto, in 746 turned over to the abbey of St. Mary in Sabinian territory a piece "ex gualdo nostro qui dicitur ad sanctum iacintum," (33) and somewhat later the whole of the gualdo (34) and the land of the colonists to whom this gualdo belonged, (35) either because the property was part of the gualdo without having become private or, as appears from a later lawsuit, because the colonists remained in possession of their lots, but from then on had to pay to the abbey their dues and for the common use of the gualdo. All kinds of misunderstandings immediately arose between the colonists and the abbey, and these had to be ventilated before the courts. The colonists asserted that they were in full possession of their casalia in the gualdo publico, partly because they had been preempted, not in the gualdo of St. Giacinto, but in the adjoining one of Turre. Arnolus declared that he had himself cleared (mundavit) his casale in the gualdo and that he owed the abbey but five modii. Mizicus and Lupulus and other public colonists in the gualdo received, in exchange for the land donated to the abbey, other land measured out to them with the rope in the following manner: for each 105 feet of the old they received 83 of the new land, because it was cultivated and 80 % of it was considered an adequate exchange; on the other hand, Lupulus received 100 feet for each 92 feet of his former lot, because it was less productive. The casale of Teodices was not changed, but he had to pay the public taxes to the abbey. Similar action was taken in the case of two other proprietors, while the public colonist Campolus had to turn over his casale to the abbey. Rinculus Coccus had a piece of land in the gualdo, but, being very poor, was allowed to fence in another lot that produced 22 modii.

This extremely important document makes it clear that we are dealing in the gualdo with precisely the same conditions as confronted us in the Spanish ex squalido. As in the aprision, so the colonist is here given land which he must himself clear and cultivate, and the gualdo is not only forest but also possesses barren and cultivated land which in some way has reverted to the state. This is confirmed by later documents. The same abbey is presented with one half of a gualdo and a chestnut grove in the other half that is left for public use. (36) This public use consists in the right of pasturage (37) and hunting, which the king may reserve for his own use. (38) In place of gualdo may stand terra populi (39) curtis, (40) and pascua publica, (41) and gualdo soon disappears entirely, apparently because no public lands were left, while for "forest" there creep in the expressions cagio (42) and gaio, (43) which had long been in use at Modena (44) and at Lucca (45) where also the longer forms gahagio, cahagio, cafagio are indiscriminately used for them. It is obvious that in case of these we are no longer dealing with the ownerless wilderness, as in Spain, but with the enclosed common, though the combination gahagium (gahaium, gaaium, gaium, gagium) regis in Rother's laws (46) shows that the fundamental idea was the same as in the case of gualdo at Benevento and Reate. This gualdo had existed in Lucca, but in the eighth century it was superseded by the gaio forms, to survive only in local names. (47)

In a donation of 772 we find a waldeman, "forester," in the gagio, but with the Latin name Bonus, (48) even as three other waldatores at Volturno in 778 bear the good Latin names Rodulus, Albus, and Crispus. (49) I shall at another time show that the whole system of land measurement in the Middle Ages and almost all the agrimensorial expressions have arisen from the Byzantine gromatic method. Here I wish only to point out that the Langobard waldeman, waldator has survived until the present time. In Reggio and Modena he was called gualdemano, (50) in Ravenna and Pesaro gualdario, (51) and elsewhere gualdaro, guallaro, guallario. (52) The confusion of gualdator with guardator, from guardia "watch" was too natural, hence we hear at Bologna and Carpo of guardatorii, guardatores "foresters," and at Pisa the cafadiarius is glossed as guardianus. (53)

In Tuscany cafagium, cafaium is universal, in the tenth century to designate the ancient public domain, hence one later finds at Florence a number of localities named Caffagio, Cafaio, (54) by the side of Gaio, Gualdum. (55) In Lucca a Cafajario is mentioned in 975 (56) and the cafadiarius at Pisa proves that this means "a forester." The older writers explained this caggio as an abbriviation of campo del faggio (57) or casa del faggio, (58) because place names Faggia occur, but they are far from the mark. Cafaggio, Gafaggio was conceived by the Langobards as derivations in ga-, and this led to faia "forest," (59) and in the thirteenth century to fagiae in Milan, to designate certain localities which obviously, like the cafagii at Lucca, had been reclaimed from the public domain. (60)

All the Slavic countries possess derivatives from Ital. gaio, to express the enclosed domain. In Dalmatia gaium occurs early in the sense of "common pasture where formerly there was a forest." (61) In Servian the verb gajim means "to fence in, clear the ground, clean the forest." (62) In Poland gaj had the primary meaning of a field, forest or water domain, and the gaiowe was the revenue from such a domain, (63) while gaic means "to open up a forest, to cut it down," and similarly Bohemian hájiti, Russian gait', and "the forest" is in OBoh. hay, hag, hayg, háj, Russ. gay, Lith. gojus. In the Slavic sources frequently occur the forms gades, gadus, for gaium. In the Servian documents gadi and gai interchange indiscriminately, (64) while in Poland gades means more nearly "enclosure, fence." (65) Precisely the same significance is attached to gades in the German documents, (66) but the word is neither specifically German nor Slavic, since gadi "fence, protection," gadier "forester" are also recorded in the Provence. (67) As Ital. cafagiario has led to cafadiario, gagiarius has produced gadiarius, gagium has given Prov. gadi.

Before investigating the fate of gaium on German territory, we shall discuss a Gaulic gloss

caio breialo siue begardio
ascribed to the fifth century. Zimmer (68) says of it: "Hier ist das erklärte Wort (caio) seinem Ursprung und der Bedeutung nach für uns fast klarer als die zu seiner Erklärung (breialo siue bigardio) verwendeten. An der Hand liegen nämlich, wie Stokes sah, für das erstere altbret. caiou gl. munimenta, kymr. cae 'inclosure, hedge, field,' mittelbret. quae 'haye despines' (Catholicon), neubret. kaé (plur. kaé-ou) 'haie clôture faite d'épines; petit mur, moitié pierres, moitié terre.' Dieses kymr. -bret. Wort gehört, wie Rhys, Rev. Celt. I. 370 sah, zu ahd. hac, ags. häg, haga, altn. hagi, ags. hege (engl. hedge), die sowohl den eingehegten Zaun oder Wall als auch Alles, was eingehegt wurde (septum, urbs, Weide, junger Wald), bezeichnen. Die Verwandschaft macht klar, wie zu demselben keltischen Stamm kagjo- auch alti. cae 'Haus' in cerdchae 'Schmiedehaus (gl. officina) sowie mittellat. cayum 'domus' gehören.....Das an ertser Stelle zur Erklärung von caio verwendete breialo ist offenbar das im Mittellatein gebräuchliche broialum, brogilus, broylus, bruillius, als dessen Grundbedeutung 'campus arboribus consitus et muris aut sepibus cinctus' angenommen wird, was ja zu der für caio unter Vergleich der brittanischen Wörter und der Etymologie zu erschliessenden Bedeutung stimmt. Dieses breialo, broialum, brogilus ist vermuthlich selbst gallischen Ursprungs und geht auf einen Stamm brogilo- deminutiv zu brogizurück." In this statement there are several inaccuracies, as we shall soon see from an investigation of documents bearing on breialo.

In Greek, periboloj is frequently used in the sense of "enclosure, wall," (69) and in the sixth century the formula ektoj agiwn peribolwn is frequently employed, to designate the property lying outside the church enclosure. (70) In Can. 76 of the Trullan Synod it says ' ou crh endon twn ierwn peribolwn kaphleion, h ta dia arwmatwn eidh protiqenai," and Balsamon (71) is certainly mistaken in referring periboloi merely to walls of the church building. In the old glosses we have "periboloj consaeptum, maceria, moenia, territorium" and "peribulus est murus extrinsecus, peribulus id est in circuitu domus, peribulum deambulatorium." This agrees with the Modern Greek use of peribolion, as repeatedly recorded in mediaeval documents. (72) The current use of this word in Italy, hence among the Langobards, is attested by the Greek documents of Sicily and southern Italy. In the south of Italy peribolaion was also written periaulion, as though it were "that which lies around the house," (73) and the garden was named peribolhj, in Sicily peribolitzon. (74) When Charlemagne wrote in his Capitulare de villis "ut lucos nostros quos vulgus brogilus vocat, bene custodire faciant," he had in mind the Greek periboloj, which becomes still clearer in the account of the Langobard Luidprand who in the tenth century used indiscriminately brolium, briolium, perivolium, and explained it as being a deer park. (75)


1. "Nos vero concedimus ei ipsum villarem et omnes suos terminos et pertinentias suas ab integro et quantum ille cum hominibus suis in villa Fonteioncosa occupavit, vel occupaverit, vel de heremo traxerit, vel infra suos terminos sive in aliis locis vel villis seu villare occupaverit, vel aprisione fecerit cum hominibus suis," E. Mühlbacher, Die Urkunden der Karolinger (in MGH.), vol. I, p. 241. f. Back

2. "Demandamus, ut neque vos neque iuniores vestri memoratos Ispanos nostros, qui ad nostram fiduciam de Ispania venientes per nostram datam licentiam erema loca sibi ad laboricandum propriserant et laboratas habere videntur, nullum censum superponere presumatis neque ad proprium facere permittatis, quoadusque illi fideles nobis aut filiis nostris fuerunt, quod per triginta annos habuerunt per aprisionem, quieti possideant et posteritas eorum et vos conservare debeatis," ibid., p. 290. Back

3. MGH., Capitularia, vol. I, p. 261 ff. Back

4. "In portione sua quam aprisionem vocant," ibid., vol. II, p. 259. Back

5. "Nos homines humillimi, ego videlicet, Aloitus, et uxor mea nomine Ka, et propinqui mei....qui omnes simul cum caetaris plurimis ex Africae partibus exeuntes cum Domino Odoario Episcopo, (cujus eramus famuli, et servitores) cum ad Lucensem Urbem Galleciae Provinciae ingressi fuissemus, invenimus ipsam Civitatem desertam, et inhabitabilem factam cum suis terminis. Praefatus vero gloriosus Odoarius Praesul ipsam Urbem, ut universam Provinciam studuit restaurare, ac propria familia stipavit. Nos vero supra nominati, qui ex ejus eramus familia, perseverantes in illius servitio per multorum curricula annorum petivimus cum omni subjectione, ut nobis concederet, et donaret unam Villam, ex ipsis, quas ipse prendiderat, quod facere misericordia motus non distulit; et dedit nobis unam Villam prenominatam Villamarci, quam ipse prendiderat.....Hanc itaque Villam nobis donavit pro servitio quod ei fecimus; et veritate, quoniam ei tenuimus sub tali tenore, et pacto, ut cunctis diebus vitae nostrae tam nos nominati, quam etiam successores nostri jussionem ejus et voluntatem successorum ejus, qui in eadem Urbe fuerint, faciamus in perpetuum....Ego ipse Aloytus quintam de omni mea hereditate, quam de manu ipsius Pontificis per presura acceperat die dedicationis super altare offero," España sagrada, vol. XL, p. 353 ff. Back

6. "Ego supra taxatus verens, et timens, ne me incauta vitae fallente inaniter rapiat, decrevi, ut post obitum meum de paupertacula mea quicquid potui ganare vel applicare atque apprendere, et familia mea populare, prout valui .....Deo et Patrono meo aliquid presentare. Offero ......ipsam praedictam Civitatem ab omni integritate conclusa intus in circuitu muroum, quam ex radice restauravi: Villas praenominatas, quam ex presuria adquisivi, et ex stirpe, et familia mea populavi.....Monasterium Sancti Stephani vallis Athanae, quod ex propria familia extipavi, et ex radice fundamentavi, et ex aliis Ecclesiis dotavi, quo a me et a mea familia sunt fundamentata per presuria ......quas omnes sunt in ipso territorio Liziniano, et Sabiniano a me possessae per presuria ....Ecclesia Sancto Felice de Raymundi cum adjunctionibus ejus stipata de familia mea ......Ecclesia S. Eolalia et S. Maria Alta, et ejus familia ab integro, et Ecclesia S. Joannis de Mera, quos predivit germanus meus Ermiarius de Escalido.....Item in dexteris Lucense Villa de Benati de mea pressura stipata de mea familia," ibid., p. 356 ff. Back

7. "Nos omnes pressores degeneris hereditarios nominibus Auzano una cum filios meos Guntino, et Desterigo venientes de Africa ad pressuram ad Gallacia terra sicut et alii populi ceteri ingenui per jussionem Domini Adephonsis Principis, et presimus Villas, et hereditates de Escalido et de Ruda Silva, de Suco Mortuorum.....idem terris quae pro justo pretio emimus, et per nostras pressuras presimus, et juri possessa retinemus," ibid., p. 362 f. Back

8. "In territorio Africae surrexerunt quidam gentes Hismaelitarum, et tulerunt ipsam terram a Christianis, et violaverunt Sanctuarium Dei; et Christicolas miserunt in captivitatem, et ad jugo servitutis, et Ecclesias Dei destruxerunt, et fecerunt nos exules a patria nostra, et fecimus moram per loca deserta multis temporibus. Postquam Dominus per servum suum Pelagium in hac Religione respicere jussit, et Christianos in hac patria ditavit; sive etiam, et divae memoriae Princeps Dominus Adephonsus in Sedem ipsius sublimavit qui ex ipsa erat de stirpe Regis Recaredi et Ermegildi. Dum talia audivimus perducti fuimus in Sedem Lucensem cum nostris multis familiis, et cum caeteris populis tam nobiles quam innobiles; et invenimus ipsam Sedem desertam et inhabitabilem factam. Nunc denique laboramus ibidem, et aedificamus domum Dei, et Ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae et praesimus loca Palatii, et ipsam Civitatem restauramus eam intus et foris; et plantavimus vineis et pomiferis. Postea vero fecimus de nostra familia possessores pro undique partibus, et dedimus illis boves ad laborandum, et jumenta ad serviendum eis. Tunc exivimus per gyro Civitates, Villas, et hereditates ad inquirendum, ut laborassent illas: et invenimus in Ripa Minei Villas destructas de Succo Mortuorum, et de Ruda Silva, ubi posuimus nostra familia ad portum Minei, quae dicunt Agari. Super ipsum portum misimus ibi Agario: et in illa villa posuimus Avezano, et misimus ad eam nomen Avezani de nostra praesura," ibid., p. 364 ff. Back

9. W. Arnold, Ansiedlungen und Wanderungen deutscher Stämme, Marburg 1875, p. 259 ff. Back

10. "Nullus praesumat alterius res proprendere," Lex Bajuw. II. 12; "si quis caballum, hominem, vel quamlibet rem in via propriserit," Lex ribuar. LXXV. Back

11. "Edificauimus cum cornam et albende .... contestamus ad ipsa eclesia illa hereditate per suis terminis que habuimus de presuria que preserunt nostros priores cum cornu et cum aluende" (870), PMH., Dipl. et chart., vol. I, p. 3. Back

12. They are called familia, famuli, servitores, homines, and they are also known as gasalianes. Of these I have already treated. Back

13. "Villare eremum ad laborandum" (795), Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., vol. II, Preuves, col. 60; "manifeste verum est quod ipsas res ego retineo, set non injuste quia de eremo eos tracxi in aprisione" (852), ibid., col. 228; "qui fuerunt per illorum aprisione vel ruptura quod illi homines hoc traxerunt de heremo ad culturam" (875), ibid., col. 380, and often; "quae deinceps ex locis eremis atque inclutis ad eorum usus adpriserint" (823), Marca, Marca hispanica, col. 768; "res quas genitor eorum per concessionem patris nostri Caroli praestantissimi Imperatoris ab eremo in Septimania trahens ad villam construxit" (833), ibid., col. 771; "terras quas sui homines ex eremo traxerunt" (840), ibid., col. 776; "aprisiones quas ex eremi vastitate traxerunt, simul cum iis deinceps quae proprii laboris sudore trahere et excolere ipsi successoresque eorum potuerunt" (850), ibid., col. 784; "de eremi solitudine ad culturam perductam" (869), ibid., col. 791; "cum omnibus apprehensionibus quas ipsi monachi propriis manibus de eremi vastitate traxerunt" (869), ibid., col. 793, and similarly cols. 763, 769, 782, 783, 787, 790, etc.; "stirpes, vel ut vulgo dicitur exartes quosdam, quos ex rebus Tricassinensis comitatus ipsi proprio labore de heremo ad agriculturam perduxisse noscuntur" (864), Ch. Lalore, Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Montiéramey, Paris, Troyes 1890, p. 6. Back

14. "Nos vidimus et audivimus et presentes fuimus quando domno gloriosissimo Carole Imperatore dedit de fischo suo Libentio Abbate, et ad suo germano Assenario monacho Castro Tolon cum fines et adjacentias eorum tali pacto, ut in ipsas valles Leocarcari plantent et edifficent monasterium Sancti Cirici et Sancti Adree. Item postea vidimus et audivimus et presentes fuimus quando Libentius Abba una cum Assenario monacho prendiderunt primi homines post mortem Galaffre et Biuxan filio eius et aliorum Sarracenorum dicto castro Tolon cum fines et adjacentias eorum, et ibi dictas valles plantaverunt," etc., J. Villanueva, Viage literario á las iglesias de España, vol. XIII, p. 226. Back

15. Cod. Theod. II. 23. 1, to which Gothofredus attaches a long discussion on the aprision. Back

16. "Occupatorii autem dicuntur agri quos quidam arcifinales vocant, quibus agris victor populus occupando nomen dedit," Lachmann and Rudorff, Gromatici veteres, p. 136. Back

17. "Quoniam non ex mensuris actis unus quisque miles modum accepit, sed quod aut excoluit aut in spem colendi occupavit," ibid. Back

18. Cod. Theod. VII. 20. 3. (320). Back

19. Cod. Theod. VII. 20. 8. Back

20. "Conmoneat Tua Sinceritas hoc sanatione Veteranos, ut loca absentium squalida et situ dissimulationis horrentia, de solita fructuum indemnitate securi, quantum vires uniuscuiusque patientur, exerceant. Namque decernimus, ut his qui soli relicti terras sulcaverint, sine molestia praeiudicioque dominorum provectum emolumenta quaerantur: nihilque illis, qui messum tempus adsolent aucupari, agratici nomine deferatur," ibid., VII. 20. 11. Back

21. "Squalidiora adque ieiuna, (in)culta adque opima," ibid., XIII. 11. 3. Back

22. Gromatici veteres, p. 369. Back

23. Cod. Theod. X. 10. 30. "Vacantia mortuorum bona," Cod. Just. X. 10. 4. "Caduca bona fisco nostro competere legum cauta decreverunt," Cassiodorus, Variae, V. 24; "caduca bona non sinis esse vacantia," ibid., VII. 7; "quorundam etiam substantias mortuorum sine aliqua discretione iustitiae nomine caduci perhibent titulo vindicare," ibid., IX. 14. Back

24. "Id jus datur quod est lege Hadriana comprehensum de rudibus agris et iis qui per X annos continuos inculti sunt" (117-138), F. Girard, Textes de droit romain, 4e éd., Paris 1913, p. 876. Back

25. "Sed ad aprehendendam illam aquam pro ad illos molinos intra ipsos terminos et ultra istos terminos aprehendam ipsam aquam pro ad ipsos molinos per cujuslived hereditatem tam de rege quam de infanzone quam de quodlibed sicut ego jure meo usque hodie tenui" (904), R. Escalona, Historia del real monasterio de Sahagun, Madrid 1782, p. 377; "et adhuc damus vobis medietatem de illas acenas et de illas piscarias, quae nos apprehendiuimus apud uos pro facere in illo fluuio" (1102), A. de Yepes, Coronica general de la Orden de San Benito, vol. VI, p. 495a; "si quis presas suas aut aquas istas frangere aut uetare presumpserit" (1168), Mariano, Trigita y Lasa, Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de Navarra, Pamplona 1900, p. 11; "dua presa in ipsu flumine ubi faciat clausuria pro pisci capiendum" (1047), E. Gattola, Historia abbatiae cassinesis, vol. I, p. 43; "prense noue si in aliquo presis ueteribus impendimentum fecerint, siue sint superius siue inferius....non uero aqua de prensa, aut de molino, aut de calice emanauerit" (1176), Forum Turolij, in Colección de documentos para el estudio de la historia de Aragon, vol. II, p. 147 f.; "frangebant violenter presam de villa Salit ad episcandum" (1139), Indice de los documentos del monasterio de Sahagun, de la Orden de San Benito, Madrid 1874, p. 28. Back

26. "Placuit etiam nobis illis concedere, ut, quicquid de heremi squalore in quolibet comitatu ad cultum frugum traxerint aut deinceps infra eorum aprisiones excolere potuerint, integerrime teneant et possideant," MGH., Capitularia, vol. II, p. 259; "quas siquidem aprisiones praefatorum Hispanorum progenitores per licentiam seu concessionem avi nostri Karoli ac post obitum illius genitoris nostri Ludovici ex deserti squalore habitabiles frugumque uberes proprio labore fecerunt," Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., vol. II, Preuves, col. 228. Back

27. "Per manus nostras excalidavimus et domos fecimus et presimus in montibus et fontibus" (775), Berganza, Antigüedades de España, vol. II, p. 370; "ipsas terras omnes descalido donamus" (902), ibid., p. 372; "molinos....quod fecerunt factos de stirpites de scalido" (968), ibid., p. 404; "hunc locum squalidum nomine habitante irrumpimus" (781), España sagrada, vol. XXXVII, p. 310; "terras quas de exqualido primitus prehenderunt, egessierunt, vel adhuc cum Deo juvamine prehendere vel egesiere potuerint" (835), ibid., vol. XL, p. 380; "quidquid squalidavit dominus Seniorinus tius meus" (842), ibid., p. 382; "de squalido aprehendistis neminem possidentem" (875), ibid., vol. XXXIV, p. 431; "presa in scalido jacente" (878), ibid., vol. XVII, p. 244; "quantumcumque in ispa villa per ordinacione dominica de squalido apprehendimus" (909), Indice de documentos del monasterio de Sahagun, p. 109; "nos illut desqualido de gente Barbarica manu propria cum pueris nostris adprehendimus tam cultam quam etiam incultum" (909), R. Escalona, Historia Sahagun, p. 379; "Superfactum locum in vetustatem reductum, pene obliuioni deditum, vepribus, seu densissimis siluis opertum, etqui magnis arboribus ex immensitate annorum adumbratum, auxiliante Domino cum fratribus restauraui, aedificia instruxi, vinea et pomares plantaui, terras de scalido eieci, horta, et omnia quae ad vsum Monasterii pertinent imposui....omnem solitudinem, omnemque industriam, erga supradictum terenum exercens, Ecclesiam Sancti Petri, quam dudum restauraueram, miris reedificaminibus reboluens ampliaui, et in melius, ut potui erexi" (915), Yepes, Coronica, vol. IV, p. 447 b; "neque pascere neque scindere uel scaliare nisi de uolunta prioris jamdicti" (1036), Colecció Aragon, vol. I, p. 13; "augmentare, comparare, et scalidare vel acaptare" (1048), ibid., p. 43; "augmentare acaptare dare" (1044), ibid., p. 56; "comparare scalidare augmentare" (1045), ibid., p. 64; "in scalio quantum possunt rumpere." (1083), ibid., vol. III, p. 61; "et que podades escaliar en la dicha Bardena ho á vos pluguiere en los hyermos" (1062), T. Muñoz y Romero, Coleccion de fueros municipales, p. 329; "et in antea adquisierit sive emtione sive et eschalido" (1134), Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. XV, p. 360; "en allant icellui suppliant ainsi exemplir, essarter et deschaller les terres de son maistre" (1477), Godefroy. Back

28. E. Baudouin, Les grands domaines dans l'empire romain, Paris 1899, p. 9. Back

29. Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. VIII, 1. ed. Back

30. "Ecclesia quae aedificata est in galo....quae sita est in galo nostro Paline," ibid., col. 573; "quae aedificata est in ialo nostro Noceto.....quae fundata est in ialo nostro Casa Polluci ....ex ipso galo galo nostri galo nostro galo nostro Manere," ibid., col. 574; "concessimus in eodem galo pascuum ad peculia," ibid., col. 575; "in gualdo in fine Consina," ibid., col. 577; "in galo praedicto loco de galo nostro ....necnon gualdum in monte Virgineo" (774), ibid., col. 578, and similarly cols. 581, 585, 587, 597, 598. Back

31. "Sylva cum terra vacua, quae fuit de galo nostro in nominata platea," ibid., col. 621. Back

32. "Simul etiam et concessimus in nostrum venerabile locum waldum nostrum de fluvio Calore, hoc est usque Vadum Carrarum Sancti Marciani, et usque sub casa Valerii, ut annue et semper homines de ipsa Ecclesia piscationem faciant, et nullus sine permissu Sacerdotis nominatae Ecclesiae in ipsum waldum habeat licentiam introire ad piscandum," Troya, op. cit., vol. III, p. 117. Back

33. Regesto di Farfa, vol. II, p. 29. Back

34. "Gauldum qui nominatur ad sanctum iacintum, qui est terminatus usque riuum currisem, et pertransit recte in aquam transuersam, deinde in gualdum pontianum, per riuum de ipso pontiano usque in tyberim," ibid. Back

35. "Cum terris de colonis qui ipsum gualdum possederunt, seu omnia ad ipsum gualdum pertinentia," ibid., 30. Back

36. "Ut uobis, uel uestro monasterio cedere deberemus medietatem de gualdo nostro qui est positus in finibus ciculanis, et dicitur ipse gualdus ad sanctum angelum in flumine....ipsam medietatem de nominato gualdo cum ipsa aecclesia sancti angeli quae ibi est, cum onmibus adiacentiis et pertinentiis suis in integrum, qualiter ad publicum possessum est, in ipso sancto loco concedimus possidendum. simul et concedimus uobis medietatem de castaneao jui dicitur sessiale, quod est in reliqua medietate praedicti gualdi, quam nobis ad publicum reseruauimus" (761), ibid., p. 54. Back

37. "Turmae decem debeant aestiuo tempore communiter cum iumentis publicis reatinis pabulare, ubi ubi per gualdos publicos, quo consueta sunt ipsa iumenta publica ambulare. Similiter et duo millia pecora de suprascripto monasterio, cum nostris peculiis publicis reatinis communiter omni tempore debeant pabulare in monte caluo, et in riuo curuo, postquam inde iumenta uel peculia monasterii praefati, ut diximus amodo in suprascriptis gualdis uel montibus, cum nostris iumentis publicis siue peculiis, absque alia datione securius debeant pabulare" (767), ibid., p. 73. Back

38. "De ispso suprascripto gualdo alegia concessimus in ipso sancto loco, uel ad cunctam congregationem, omnia in integrum quanta ad ipsum gualdum pertinere uidentur....excepta uenatione de ipso gualdo, quam nobis reseruauimus faciendam" (772), ibid., p. 76. Back

39. "Et ista terra est secus terra populi, quem in mea reseruaui potestate" (803), ibid., p. 145. Back

40. "In ipso sancto monasterio donauimus a die praesenti medietatem de curte seu gualdo" (808), ibid., p. 153. Back

41. "Ut in pascua publica omni tempore debeant pabulare uel nutrire" (840), ibid., p. 238. Back

42. "Portionem meam de cagio agonis" (840), ibid., p. 240. Back

43. "Alpibus, gais, molendinis" (829), ibid., pp. 224, 229. Back

44. "Silvam unam in gajum Lamese (75.), Marini, I pap. dipl., p. 103; "concedimus....curtem nostram, quae dicitur Zena, territorio Motinensi, silva jugis numero quingentis, coherentes ibi a tribus partibus gajo nostro" (752), Muratori, Antiquitates, vol. II, col. 152. Back

45. "Parte mea de cahagio sub monte" (747), Memorie e documenti.....di Lucca, vol. V, p. 27; "parte mea de casa et cagio" (761), ibid., p. 43; "portionem meam de gahagias" (796), ibid., p. 150; "parte mea de cafagio nostro, quem de jure parentorum nostrorum habere videmur" (778), ibid., vol. IV, p. 138; "una petia de terra mea, quod est gahagio illo meo" (747), Troya, op. cit., vol. III, p. 250; "gagiolo illo prope ista curte ora presepe circumdatum" (730), F. Brunetti, Codice diplomatico toscano, vol. I, p. 487. Back

46. Leg. 319, 320. Back

47. "Ubi vocabulum est Ad Waldo" (783), Mem. e doc......di Lucca, vol. IV, p. 17; "ubi ejus corpus requiescit in Gualdo" (770), ibid., vol. V, p. 68. Back

48. "Largimur in Jura de ipso Monasterio ex gagio nostro Regiense, quae nuncupatur Terra, Siua, Roncora, et Prata insimul ad misura iusta, iuges numero quatuor millia, per designata, et determinata loca, a Bono Waldeman supra scripti Gagij nostri," Troya, op. cit., vol. V, p. 657. Back

49. "Et propterea venerunt waldatores ante nos Rodulus, et Albus, et Crispus, qui ab antiquis guiratores fuerunt, et dixerunt quod supradicta loca, quae cum Episcopo giravimus, semper de waldo fuerunt," Muratori, Scriptores, vol. I, p. 363. Back

50. "Castaldus, Bubulcus, Gualdemanus siue custos cuiuslibet ciuis Mutinae," Statuta civitatis Mutinae ad iudices Aquarum pertinentia, Mutinae 1575, fol. 78; "et qui custodes, Camparij et Gualdemani teneantur, et debeant custodire omnes, et singulas terras, res, et loca existentia intra eorum custodiam, congrue referendo, tam die, quam de nocte," Statuta magnificae communitatis Regii, Regii 1582, fol. 202 ff. Back

51. "Item quod gualdarij constitutij a Comune montis Columbi super Rippa, Circuitu et Casaro et aliis bonis teneantur acusare omnes dapnum dantes ab eis inventos in predictis bonis Comunis et aliis infra octo dies Consulibus dicte terre sive nuntio curie; alioquin teneantur emendare dapnum de eorum proprio, et habeant predicti gualdarij quartam partem condempnationum factarum de eorum acusis" (1276), A. Tarlazzi, Appendice ai Monumenti Ravennati, Ravenna 1869, vol. I, p. 309; "gualdarii Pisauri teneantur et debeant bene custodire et guardare de die et de nocte res et bona possessionum et fructus omnium possessionum existentium in curte et in contrata eis designata, ne deuastentur et tollant per personas et animalia," Statuta ciuitatis Pisauri, Pisauri 1531, fol. 72 ff. Back

52. Rezasco, Dizionario del linguaggio italiano storico ed amministrativo, sub gualdario. Back

53. "Salvo quod potestas possit dare licentiam comunis Guardatoriis (guardatoribus), saltuariis et custodibus prexonum cum erunt exercuerint eorum officia portando cultellos" (1250), L. Frati, Statuti di Bologna, vol. III, p. 281; "per consilium generale de carpo elligantur saltarij et guardatores custodiendum ne dampnum detur per personas uel bestias in bonis campestribus hominum de carpo nec super terratorio de carpo....item quod ipsi exercendo officium saltarie per suam guardam possint portare arma" (1353), Monumenti di storia patria delle Provincie Modenesi, Statuta Carpi, Mutinae 1887, p. 9; "Guardianos sive cafadiarios pisani districti, per nos vel per alium iurare faciemus, quod guastum sive dampnum quod fuerit factum in campis aut vineis, sive sediis vel pratis, aut aliis locis et in quibuscumque bonis infra guardiam in qua ipsi sunt guardiani, a bestia, animali, vel pullis aut antheribus alicuius civis vel foretanei, vel a persona aliqua, renuntiare et debeant" (1286), F. Bonaini, Statuti pisani, vol. I, p. 243. Back

54. "Gafaggio" (1187), G. Lami, Sanctae ecclesiae florentinae monumenta, Florentiae 1758, p. 1448; "in loco dicto Cafaggio" (1297), ibid., p. 404; "in quodam petio terre posite in Cafaggio apud Burgum Sancti Laurentii" (1223), ibid., p. 804; and often; "Cafaio" (1097), ibid., pp. 30, 1448. Back

55. "Et in Gaio villam quae dicitur Aspo" (1161), ibid., p. 1159; "Ad Gualdum, gualdum nemus significat," ibid., p. 540. Back

56. "Quae modo regere videtur per ipse Cafajario" Mem. e docum.....di Lucca, vol. V, p. 352. Back

57. G. Lami, Lezioni di antichità toscane, Firenze 1766, p. xc. Back

58. F. L. Del Migliore, Firenze città nobilissima illustata, Firenze 1684, p. 263. Back

59. "Et de silva nostra qua vulgo appellatur Faia praepositalis," Ducange sub faia. Back

60. "Statuerunt, providerunt et ordinaverunt quod locus de Villiono plebis de Locate fagiarum Porte Vercelline, qui modo non est locus, sed est grancia monasterii Carevallis Mediolani et tantum per ipsum monasterium teneatur, tollatur et canzelletur de libris et actis Communis Mediolani" (1286), L. Osio, Documenti diplomatici tratti degli archivij milanese, Milano 1864, vol. I, p. 37; "in molendino Credentie fagierie Communis Mediolani seu domini Mathei Vicecomitis capitanei Mediolani" (1296), ibid., p. 49; "coram domino Gabardo Scroxato jurisperito consule justitie Mediolani, camere civitatis, et omnium fagiarum Mediolani" (1372), ibid., p. 153. Back

61. "Dictus Laurentius habere debeat quartam partem totius pasculi sive dictus Laurentius probare poterit coram ipso, quod a tempore domini Albertini Mauroceno, olim comitis Jadre, citra quo tempore facta fuit divisio pasculorum et gaiorum positorum in districtu Jadre, ipse terre fuerint pasculum sive gaium et disboscate fuerint, idem Laurentius debeat libere eas habere quemadmodum essent pasculum sive gaium," Monumenta spectantia historian Slavorum meridionalium, Listine, vol. I, p. 405. Back

62. "Gajim extirpo, expurgo sylvam, foveo nemora, conservo lucum collucando, ramos inutiles decidendo ac frutices noxios amputando et evellendo ....impedio, arceo aquam ne exundet ...arceo ab ingressu foenilis interposito aliquo signo baculi signati," P. Budmani, Rjecnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika, u Zagrebu 1887-91, sub gaj. Back

63. "Adiungimus eciam scultet predicto et suis successoribus legittimis de nostra gracia speciali in omnibus siluis et fluuijs, in frucetis omnibus et fructibus nobis pertinentibus, quod dicitur gaiowe, terciam partem" (1360), Monumenta medii aevi historica res gestas Poloniae illustrantia, vol. III, p. 301; "scoltetis et successoribus eorum damus quartum denarium de pascuis et siluis wlgariter gayowe, racione cuius easdem siluas tenebuntur custodire" (1421), ibid., vol. VIII, p. 471. Back

64. "Gadorum Dolgnae Blatae, gai in Dolgna Blate," J. J. Hanel, Monumenta historico-juridica Slavorum meridionalium, Zagrabiae 1877, vol. I, p. 91. Back

65. "Kosciol cum gadibus suis inter Dobrzycza et Kosciol, incipientes a Dobrzycza que gades ordinarie currunt per terram, per rubetos, per paludines, per silvas usque ad Maluina, cum pratis que sunt in gadibus dicte ville Kosciol" (13. cent.), Codex diplomaticus Majoris Poloniae, Poznaniae 1877, vol. I, p. 45; "termini autem sive gades earundem villarum" (1237), ibid., p. 175. Back

66. Ducange, sub gades. Back

67. "Item sobre la metre gadis e bans els ortz, els blatz, els verdiers, e elas terras ....e sobre lo sagramen de baile e dels gadiers prestador," Levy, Provenzalisches-Supplement-Wörterbuch. Back

68. H. Zimmer, Keltische Studien, in Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung, vol. XXXII, p. 230 ff. Back

69. Geitonej notou ampelwn Taqwtioj thj Fibioj, borra gh Patoutoj tou Wrou kai twn adelfwn, aphliwtou periboloj twn ampelwnwn (104 B.C.), L. Mitteis, Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, Leipzig 1906, vol. I, p. 3. Back

70. Paradwsw soi en dhmosiw topw ektoj agiwn peribolwn kai qeiwn carakthrwn (566), F. Preisigke, Griechische Papyrus......zu Strassburg, Leipzig 1912, vol. I, p. 166. Back

71. Ducange, sub periboloj. Back

72. Peribolaion to plhsion tou oikou, to eureqen nun libadion en w istantai sukeai duo kai apidea mia (1073), Miklosich and Müller, Acta et diplomata graeca, vol. I, p. 6. Back

73. Eij to cwrion to kaloumenon lannianon perauloia cwrafieoi topoi in villam quae cognominantur lanniano Clausurie territorie" (1000), F. Trinchera, Syllabus graecarum membranarum, Neapoli 1865, p. 11. Back

74. O peribolhj tou presbuterou leontoj notariou, ibid., p. 94; "Kalliergon autou peribolitzon" (1234), S. Cusa, Diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia, Palermo 1868, vol. I, p. 92; "meta kalou hmwn qelhmatoj peprakamen to hmeteron peribolitzon sun twn met aitou entoj fuskiaj kai freatoj" (1239), ibid., p. 95, and similarly pp. 116, 557, 559, 679. Back

75. "Sed et idem Nicephorus in eadem coena me interrogavit, si vos perivolia, id est briolia, vel si in perivoliis onagros vel caetera animalia haberetis? Cui cum, vos brolia et in broliis animalia onagris exceptis, habere, affirmarem: Ducam to, inquit, in nostrum perivolium," MGH., Scriptores, vol. III, p. 355. Back

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